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ADMINISTRATION

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f o!m anams, esq*

LATE PRESIDENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES.

BY JOHN WOOD,

Author of the Hiftory of Switzerland, and Swifs Revolution.

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THE NEW YOHK

PUBLIC LIBRARY

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HISTORY

Of

THE ADMINISTRATION

OF

JOHN ADAMS.

CHAPTER I.

Introductory Remarks,... Biography of Mr, Adams..,. Reviezo of his Political Tenets.... Causes of his Election.

X HE United State > of America enjoyed, under the administration of the illustrious Washington, all those advantages which result from the prudent policy of a virtuous magistrate. The peaceful sys- tem which he pursued, repaired, in a great measure, the injuries sustained by a long and expensive civil war. His interests and passions were the same as those of the people, and a constant communica- tion of good offices kept alive their attachments. During the first four years of the present confede- racy, the second station of executive public em- ployment, and all of the third ^rade^ remained in

A

THE ADMIN ISTRATIOl^

the same hands ; nor did any changes take place m the more subordinate, but from voluntary resigna- tion and death. -The public debt decreased in a much greater proportion than ever was known to take place in the same period, in any nation of the world.... the expences of government w^ere also much less, in proportion to wealth and numbers, than those of any kingdom in Europe. Affairs re- mained in this prosperous state until the conclusion of Jay's Treaty, which the growing propensity for commerce and interest had effected. Then, for the first time, those generous maxims of liberty which had established our independence, were observed to suffer....our towns and villages were im- mediately stocked w4th British agents, Nova-Sco- tian tories. and French royalists. ...the epithet of royalist became a distinction more powerful than merit, and the name of republican tlie most odious of titles. The voluntary resignation of Washing- ton, who, probably, perceived the disorders which were to follow, and the election of a monarchical President, gave a four years triumph to this Hydra of despotism^ Before I relate the tyranny and cor- ruption which disfigured this period, it may not be improper to give a short account of the life of Mr. Adams, his political tenets, and the in cidents attending his election. This will form the ■design of the present chapter.

John Adams was born at Braintree, in Massa- chusetts, the 19th of October, 1735. General re- port states his father to have been a shoemaker,

OF JOHN ADAMS. ^

and the descendant of a Scotch family who emi- grated to Massachusetts Bay about 1650. Young Adams is also .said to have prosecuted, for several years, the same business 5 until, by the advice of his uncle, who was a village schoolmaster, he ap- plied himself to the study of letters, and relinquish- ed the occupation of Crispin. In the year 1755 he taught a school near Braintree, and continued in this sphere of life for several years. At w^hat pe- riod he commenced the study of law is uncer- tain....we only know that on the 5th of March, 1770, he advocated the cause of monarchy at Boston, in the case of Captain Preston, who barbarously put to death several citizens of that tov^-n. Dr. Morse, in a short biography which he has given of Mr. Adams, has the* following particulars respecting this trial : " The cause of Captain Preston w^as most unpopular. The whole town had been in a state of irritation on account of the conduct of Governor Hutchinson,^ and the troops w^hich were stationed in it....their resentment now burst into a flame. ..but he felt the cause to be a just one ; and the danger of incurring the displeasure of his countrymen could not deter him from undertaking it. He con- ducted the cause with great address, by keeping off the trial till the passions of the people had tim.e to subside. The trial at length commerced, and lasted several days, during which, he displayed the mest extensive knowledge of the laws of his coun- try, and of humanity ; and, at tlie conclusion, he had the satisfaction of proving to Great-Britain

4 THE ADMINISTRATION

herself, that the citizens of Massachusetts would be just and humane to their enemies, amidst the grossest insults and provocations." Captain Pres- ton was acquitted.

Mr. Adams was afterwards elected a member cfthe first Congress, in 1774, and certainly assist- ed at bringing about the memorable resolution of the 4th of July, 1776, which declared the Ame- rican Colonies free, sovereign, and independent States.

Having been, for a considerable length of time, one of the commissioners of the War-department, and a principal suggestorof the terms to be offered to France, for forming a treaty of alliance and commerce, he was sent to the court of Versailles, along with Franklin and Lee, ^s Ministers Pleni- potentiaries of the United States, to consummate that important business. On his return from France, he was called upon by Massachusetts to assist in forming a plan of governm.ent ; and this State is, without doubt, indebted to Mr. Adams, both for the excellencies as well as imperfections of its pre- sent constitution.

When this business was completed, he return- ed to Europe, vested with full powers from Con- gress, to assist at any conference which might be opened for the establishment of peace; and he soon after received other powers to negociate a Joan of money for the use of the United States ; and to represent them as their Minister Plenipo- tentiary, to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces,

OF JOHN ADAMS. 5

While in Europe, Mr. Adams published his Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America. To ascertain the politi- cal creed of Mr. Adams, it is only necessary to con- sider a few passages in the preface to this elabo- rate compilation. According to Mr. Adams, a mo- narchy, limited by an aristocratlcal and a democrat- ical power in the constitution, is the most perfect government of any. '^The Enghsh," he says, "by blending together the feudal institutions with those of Greece and Rome, have made that noble com- position which avoids the inconveniencies and re- tains the advantages of both; and that it would be the height of folly to go back to the institutions of Woden and Thor and of the ancient Germans, after knowing the History of England.'* Hume and Robertson, he asserts, have given such admirable accounts of the feudal institutions, and their conse- quences, that it would have been, perhaps, more dis- creet in him to have referred to them, without say- ing any thing upon the subject.

As the principles of Mr. Adams respecting government, are erected upon the feudal system, and as the theory which he has adopted con- cerning that system, appears, by his own confession, to be drawn from Hume and Robertson, it is on- ly necessary, in order to expose the fallacy of the political structure which Mr. Adams has raised, to detect a few ofthe leading errors of these writers.

Hume and Robertson, it is well known, were the slaves of a faction, and that they meanly pros-

6 THE ADMINISTRATION

tituted their talents to vindicate tyranny, and de- stroy the rights of their nation. ...they dwell on what they term the aristocratical genius of ancient times. ...they take a pleasure in painting the power of the Saxon nobles, and in displaying the abjectness of the people of ancient Britain. From a view of paying a compliment to royalty, they af- fect to consider the Normian invasion as the proper ^ra of the British constitution; and William the Robber, as the founder of English liberty. Mr. Hume says ''none of the feudal governments in Eu- rope had such institutions as the county courts, which the great authority of the Conqueror still re- tained from the Saxon customs.... all the freehold- ers of the county, even the greatest barons, were obliged to attend the sheriffs in these courts, and to assist them in the administration of justice."

In every feudal kingdom, how^ever, notwith- standing this strong affirmation, the comes was known and the comitatus. The comitatus, or county, was the territory or estate of the comes ; and the court he held, and in which he presided, was the county court, to v/hich the freeholders and feudators were called, and acted as assessors or Judges." *

Mr. Hume says in another place, ''that the great authority of the Conqueror retained the coun- ty courts from the Saxon customs." He thus in- fers that these courts were favorable to the royal authority. The fact, however, is exactly the reverse.

♦ Dr. Gilbert Stuart's View, of Society in Europe.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 7

The greaterjurisdiction there is in the nobles and the people, the more limited is the prerogative of princes. The county courts were eminent and for- midable supports of the liberty of the subject ; and instead of Qrivinsf them encouraoement, it was the interest of the Conqueror to employ his great authority in their suppression.

Mr. Hume, notwithstanding a variety of autho- rities which oppose his assertions, expresses himself to the following purpose. (Appendix 2d, to the History of England.) ^^ The great similarity among all the feudal governments of Europe is well known to every man that has any acquaintance with an- cient history ; and the antiquaries of all foreign countries, where the question was never embarrass- ed by party disputes, have allowed, that the com- mons were very late in being admitted to a share in the legislative power."

The learned work of Archbishop Hincmar, Ee Ordine Palatii, places this matter in a very differ- ent light ; and the Abbe Mably, who copies and comments upon it, acknowledges the supreme power of the assemblies of the ancient Germans and Saxons, selects examples of it, and of the inter- ference and consideration of the people. In fact, nothing of any moment or value, in peace or in war, could be done v/ithout their approbation. Their assemblies, however, were very different from the Elats Generaux of after times, when the rights of the people were insulted, and the legislative power came to reside in the sovereifrn....yet It is not unconi-

O THE ADMINISTRATION

mon to confound them , and on the foundation of this error, improper conclusions have been inferred against the commons of England.

While liberty and the deputies of the people made a figure, and while the prerogative of the sovereign v^^as restrained and directed by nation- al councils and assemblies, in the other countries of Europe, it appears the height of v/ildness to conclude, as Hume has done in his History of Eng- land, and Robertson in his plausible introduction to the History of Charles V. that in Britain, the inhabitants were in a state of slavery ; and that the mandate of the Prince was lav/. His condition, so far from being despotic, was every moment ex- posed to danger and insult. He might be depo- sed for a slight offence. ...he was elected to his of- fice....and his coronation oath expressed his sub- jection to the community, and bound him to pro- tect the rights of his subjects.

The Anglo-Saxon laws are proofs, that instead of governing by his will or caprice, he was under the controul of the national assembly. In the pre- ambles to them, w^e find that the zvites or sapientes, were a constituent branch of the government. The expression, senioi^es sapientes populi meiy is a part of the prologue to the ordinations of King Ina, anno 712. And these sapientes populi, or deputies of the people, appear in the laws of other princes of the Anglo-Saxons.

By a curious testimony, it is even obvious that the w^ord sapientes must have meant the commons^

OF JOHN ADAMS. 9

In the supplication del County dc Devonshire to Edward III. there are these expressions : " Q>ue luy please par Vavys des prelats, countees, barons, et autres sages in cest present parliament ordeiner, 8sC. The bishops, the earls, barons and oilier sages, in this present parliament, ordain." This supplication is printed in the 4 Inst. p. 232, in the reign of the third Edward : from the autres sages expressing the commons, it may surely be decisively infer- red that sapientes had the same meaning in older times.

In fact, the expressions that denote the Anglo- Saxon assemblies, allude to their nationality. "Co???- mune concilium, convenlus omniumy cvncilimn cleri et populi, oynnium principium et omnium sapientum conventuSy Ss'c. The common council, the general assembly, the assembly of the clergy and people, the convention of all the chiefs and all the wise men," are appellations which mark forcibly the interference and assistance of the commons.

Dr. Robertson has, with more art, although not with equal force of thought and reasoning, incul- cated the same opinions as Mr. Hume. The for- mer was better versed in Jesuitical intrigue, the latter deeper founded in metaphysical argument. They both employed themselves in the cause of monarchy, and their works, from beginning to conclusion, can only be regarded as plausible de- fences of prerogative. Mr. Adams, trusting to the undue weight of what are called great authorities,

B

10 THE ADMINISTRATION

Las put implicit confidence in their assertions, and in a theory which was framed by them, for the ex- press purpose of complimenting royalty at the ex- pence of their nation.

From the same cause have sprung the Senates of the United States. In England, and every other country where the feudal system has been establish- ed, an order of men superior to the commons ne- cessarily exist, and must remain until a total revolu- tion in property as well as government takes place ; but in America, where the distinction of superior and vassal is unknown, and where men hold their pro- perty by an equal tenure, the erection ofa senate, or house of chieftains, is a direct violation of the rights of citizens, and can serve no other purpose than to clog the wheels of government, and add to the national expence.

Mr. Adams urges as an argument in favor of the establishment of a Senate, '^ that the rich, the well-born and the able, acquire an influence among the people that would soon be too much for simple honesty and plain sense in a House of Representa- tives. The most illustrious of them should, there- fore, be separated from the mass, and placed by themselves in a Senate; this is, to all hon- est and useful intents, an ostracism. A member of a Senate of immense wealth, the most respected birth and transcendant abilities, has no influence in the nation, in comparison of what he would have in a single representative assembly. A¥hen a Senate exists, the most powerful man in the State

OF JOHN ADAMS^. 11'

may safely be admitted into the House of Repre- sentatives, because the people have it in their pow- er to remove him into the Senate as soon as his in- fluence becomes dangerous/' A weaker argument, than this, could scarcely have been conceived ; since it is obvious, that if the people have it in their power to remove a member from the House of Representatives into the Senate, when his power becomes dangerous, that they have it also in their power to elect another representative ; which w^ould answer a much better purpose ; for, if a man's princi- ples are such as to be dangerous in one house, the}' will be equally so in another.

'' The Teutonic institutions described by Csesar and Tacitus," says Mr. Adams, " are the most me- morable experiment, merely political, ever yet made in human affairs.... they have spread all over Europe, and have lasted eighteen hundred years. Nothing, therefore, ought to have more weight with America, to determine her judgment against mixing the au- thority of the one, the few and the many, assured- ly in one assembly, than the wide spread miseries and final slavery of almost all mankind, in conse- quence of such an ignorant policy in the ancient Germans." Mr. Adams could not possibly have expressed sentiments more hostile to the pure prin- ciples of republicanism than these. Itisvrellknown,. that while the superior and the vassal, the chief and the retainer, were intimately connected, appeared in the same assembly, and were only distinguished by virtue and talents, the feudal association, was

12 THE AD:VIIN1STRA TION

a state of the greatest happiness.... violence and cor- ruption did not disfigure society, until the original manners which the Germans broudit from their woods began to decay. The separation of the in- terests of the lord and the vassal, by the tv/o Houses of Assembly, first altered the condition of society. Sufferance soon succeeded to enjoyment, oppres- sion to freedom, and contentions arose, which terminated in the destruction of the independence of the European nations. Yet this latter state is that which Mr. Adams labours to impose upon Am.ericans : and to divide their society, by erecting a house ofnobk Senators in the midst of republicans.

These having been the acknov/ledged senti- ments of ■Sir. Adams, it may appear strange how he became the President of a free people, and the successor of the virtuous Washington. The ser- vices which he performed towards the establishment of American independence, by means of his in- trigues at the court of Versailles, and the profuse distribution of British gold in the United States, can only account for this extraordinary election. But notwithstanding, upon strict enquiry, he does not appear to have been the choice of the real ma- jority. The following facts related by Mr. Callen- dcr, though they may be denied by the friends of Mr. Adams, are certainly correct.... the truth of them has been fully ascertained :

In Pennsylvania Mr. Adams gained a vote by the trick of a Post-master, who stopt the mail from Greene county, till the poll vx'as closed at Philadel-

OF JOHN ADAMS. lo

phia. In Maryland he gained a second, by the folly of one Plater, who balloted both for him and Mr. Jefferson, from an anxiety that Mr. Adams should be Vice-President. In Maryland he gained a third suffrage, in the Western district of that state, by a majority of four voices, owing to negligence on one side, and knavery on the other. The district consists of two counties, Alleghany and Washington. A se- parate poll w^as held in each of them. Washing- ton is, of the two, by far the most populous.... the census of 1790, gives it fifteen thousand eight hun- dred and twenty-two inhabitants, and Alleghany no more than four thousand eight hundred and nine. Washington is full of repubhcans, and Alleghany of their opponents. ...the republicans put an end to their poll as soon as they had a considerable supe- riority of the w^hole number of genuine voters that they knew to reside in the tvv^o counties, which form the district. The six per cent, agitators of Alleghany did not stop their's....they brought over a crowd from Pennsylvania and Virginia, and by this means made up a majority of four. Neither the constitution nor Congress itself had provided any check for the investigation of false votes, and the majority of four trampled on the rights of real citi- zens. Putting these facts together, it will appear that Mr. Jefferson and not Mr. Adams was the choice of America. The total number of electors w^as one hundred and thirty-eight.... each of these voted either for Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Adams. But Plater voted for both. Hence instead of one hun-

14 THE ADMINISTRATION

dred and thirty-eight, the suffrages came to one more. ...thus they mounted up to one hundred and thirty-nine. Oflhese, Mr. Adams had seventy-one and Mr. Jefferson sixty-eight. Laying aside the Maryland vote of Plater, Mr. Adams will then have seventy and i\lr. Jefferson sixty-seven.... returning to Mr. Jeiferson the Green county vote in Penn- sylvania, and striking out the spurious vote in the Western district of Maryland, v^ill make an odds of two votes. ...abstract these two from the majority of seventy, and then Mr. Adams has only sixty-eight. Then add these two to the sixty-seven for Mr. Jef« ferson, and he is President by a majority of one.

CHAPTER II.

Speech of Mr. Adams, ...Speech of M7\ Jefferson.... Remarks.... British Piracy. ...Mr. Monroe's Em- bassy.

On Saturday the 6th of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, Mr. Adams, as President of the United States, attended in the chamber of the House of Representatives to take his oath of office, according to the direction of the constitution. On his entrance, as well as on the entrance of General Washington and Mr. Jeffer- son, loud and reiterated applause burst from the audience. Having taken his seat on the elevated

OF JOHN ADAMS. 15

chair of the Speaker of the House of Representa- tives, the Vice-President, General Washington, and the Secretary of the Senate on his right, the Speaker and Clerk of the House of Representa- tives on his left, and the Chief-Justice of the United States and Associate Judges, at a table In the centre, he proceeded to deliver the follov^^ing speech :

" When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained be- tween unlimited submission to a foreign Legisla- ture, and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger, from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist, than from those con- tests and dissentions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be insti- tuted over the whole, and over the parts of this ex- tensive country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overmling Providence, which had so signally protected this country from the first, the represent- atives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present numbers, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging, and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.

*'The zeal and ardor of the people during th^ revolutionary war, supplying the place of govern-

16 TIl£ ADiMINISTRATION

mcnt, commanded a degree of order, sufficient at icast, for the temporary preservation of society. The confederation, which was early felt to be necessary, was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain, w^ith any detail and precision, in history ; and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking diflfcrence in so many particulars^ between this country and those w^iere a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single da), it was then certainly foreseen, by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it, that it could not be durable.

^O-^egligence ofits regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its autho- rity, not only in individuals but in States, soon ap- peared with their melancholy consequences. ...uni- versal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, de- cline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of pub- lic and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and, at length, in dis- contents, animosities, combinations, partial conven- tions and insurrection, threatening some great na- tional calamity.

^' In this dangerous crisis, the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution or integrity. ...measures were pursued, to concert a plan to form a more per-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 17

feet union, establish justice, ensure domestic tran- quility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. ...The public disquisitions, discussions and deliberations, issued in the present happy constitu- tion of government.

" Employed in the service of my country abroad, during the -vvbole course of these transactions. I first saw the constitution of the United States in a fo- reign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as a result of good heads, prompted by good hearts j as an experiment, better adapted to the genius, cha- racter, situation and relations of this nation and country, than any w^hich had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great ou*:- lines, it was conformable to such a system of gov- ernment, as I had ever most esteemied....and in some States, my own State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a rigiit of suffrage, in com- mon with my fellow citizens, in the adoption or re- jection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all oc- casions, in public and private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind, that the Executive and Senate w^ere not more perma- nent, nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it, but such as the people them.selves, in the course of their cxpcri-

C

18 THE ADMiNISTRATIClN

encc, should see or feel to be necessary or expe- dient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State Legislatures, according to the constitu- tion itself, adopt and ordain.

" Returning to the bosom of my country, after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new -order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself imder the most serious obligations to support the constitution. The operation of it has equalled the most sanguine expectations of its friends ; and from an habitual a'"tention to it, satisfaction in its ad- ministration, and delight in its effects, upon the peacCi order, prosperity and happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual attachment to it, and veneration for it.

" What other form of government, indeed, can £0 well deserve our esteem and love }

^^ There may be little solidity in an ancient idea, that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of supe- rior intelligencies... .But this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind, there can be no specta- cle presented by any nation, more pleasing, more noble, majestic or august, than an assembly, like that which has so often been seen in this and the other chamber of Congress. ...of a government, in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens, selected at regular periods by their neigh- tours, to make and execute laws for the general

OF JOHN ADAMS. It

good. Can any thing essential, any thing more than mere ornament and decoration, be added tc this, by robes or diamonds ? Can authority, be more amiable or respectable, when it descends from accident, or institutions established in remote an- tiquity, than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened peo- ple ? for it is the people only that are represented r It is their power and majesty that is reflected; and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The exist- ence of such a government as ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And v/hat object or consideration, more pleasing than this, can be presented to the human mind r If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable, it is when it springs not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but fi'om conviction of national innocence, information and benevolence.

" In the midst of these pleasing ideas, w^e should be unfaithful to ourselves, if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties. ...if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous and independent elections..

" If an election is to be determined by the ma- jority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party, through artifice or corruption, the govern- ment may be the choice of a party for its owm ends ; not of the nation, for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign na»

20 THE ADMINISTRATION

tions, by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violerrce, hy terror, intrigue or venality, the government may not be the choice of American people, but of foreign nations. It m.ay be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves : and candid men will acknowledge, that in such ca^es, choice would have little advan- tage to boast of over lot or chance.

" Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of Am.erica have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations, for eight years, under the administration of a citizen,, who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues, and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to in- creasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellovz-citizens, com- manded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.

'^ In that retirement Vvdiich is his voluntary choice, may he long hve to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the hap- py fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect ot the future fortunes of his country, v/hich is open- ing from year to year. His mme may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives, a bul-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 21

wark against all open or secret enemies of his coun- try's peace.

" This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors, by both houses of Con- gress and by the voice of the Legislatures and the people throughout the nation.

" On this subject it might become me better to be silent, or to speak with diffidence. But as some- thing maybe expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say, that if a preference upon principles of a free, republican gov- ernment, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial enquiry after truth 5 if an attachment to the constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to sup- port it until it shall be altered by the judgment and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode pre- scribed in it ; if a respectful attention to the con- stitutions of the individual states, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the State- govern- ments ; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interests, honor and happiness of all the States in the union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western position, their various political opinions on unes- sential points, or rather their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and. denomi- nations ; if a love of science and letters, and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue and

22 THE ADMINISTRATIOJJT

religion among, all classes of the people, not onljr for their benign influence in the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments ; if a love of equal laws, of justice and humanity in the interior administra- tion ; if an inclination to improve agriculture, com- merce and manufactures, for necessity, convenience and defence ; if a spirit of equity and humanity to- wards the aboriginal nations of America, and a dispo- sition to meliorate their condition^ by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens more friendly to them ; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe, which has been adopted by this government, and so solemnly sanc- tioned by both houses of Congress, and applauded by the legislatures of the States, and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress ; if a personal esteem for the French na- tion, formed in a residence of seven years, chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honour and interest of both nations ; if, while the con- scious honour and integrity of the people of Ame- rica, and the internal sentiment of their own pow-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 23

er and energies must be preserved, an earnest en- deavor to investigate every just cause, and re- move every colourable pretence of complaint ; if an intention to pursue, by amicable negociation, a reparation for the injuries that have been commit- ted on the commerce of our fellow citizens, by whatever nation.... and, if success cannot be obtain- ed, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures, the honour and interest of the government and its constituents demand ; if a resolution to do justice, as far as may depend upon me, at all times, and to all na- tions, and maintain peace, friendship and benevo- lence with all the world ; if an unshaken confi- dence in the honour, spirit and resources of the American people, on which I have so often ha- zarded my all, and never been deceived ; if eleva- ted ideas of the high destinies of this country, and of my own duties towards it, founded on a know- ledge of the m.oral principles and intellectual im- provements of the people, deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age....and as, with humble reverence^ I feel it to be my duty to add, if avenerationfor.the re- ligion of a people, v^ho profess and call themselves christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a de- cent respect for Christianity, amqng the best recom- mendations for the public service, can enable me, in any degree, to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavour, that this sagacious in- junction of the two houses, shall not be withour effect.

^4 THE ADMINISTRATION

" With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honour, the duty and interest of the same American people, pledged to support the constitution of the United States, I en- tertain no doubt of its continuance in all its ener- gy, and my mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it, to the utmost of my power.

"And may that being, who is supreme over all, the patron of order, the fountain of justice and the protector, in all ages of the world, of virtuous liber- ty, continue his blessing upon this nation, and its government, and give it all possible success and duration, consistent with the ends of his provi- dence."

After concluding his speech, Mr. Adams de- scended from his seat, to receive the oath of office from the chief justice. Having taken the oath, which was administered with great solemnity, he resumed his chair, paused a few moments, then rose and retired.

Mr. Jefferson addressed the Senate, which was convened in their chamber, by the call of the late President ; in the following extempore speech : " Gentlemen of the Senate,

" Entering on the duties of the office to which I am called, I feel it incumbent on me to apologize to this honorable house, for the insufficient manner in which I fear they may be discharged. At an earlier period of my life, and through some consi- derable portion of it, I have been a member of

OF JOHN ADAMS. 25

legislative bodies^ and not altogether inattentive to the fotms of their proceedings...,but much time has elapsed ; since that other duties have occupied my mind ; in a great degree it has lost its familiarity with this subject....! fear that the house will have but too frequent occasion to perceive the trutl>- of this acknowledgment. If a diligent attention, however, will enable me to fulfil the functions now assigned me, I may promise that dihgence and at- tention shall be sedulously employed. For one portion of my duty, I shall engage with more confi- dence, because it will depend on my will and not on my capacity.

" The rules which are to govern the proceedings of this house, so far as they shall depend on me for their application, shall be applied with the most rigorous and inflexible impartiality, regarding nei- ther persons, their views or principles, and seeing only the abstract proposition, subject to my decision. If, in forming that opinion, I concur w^ith some and differ from others, as must of necessity happen, I shall rely on the liberality and candor of those from w^hom I differ, to believe that I do it on pure mo- tives. I might here proceed, and with the greatest truth, to declare my zealous attachment to the con- stitution of the United States ; that I consider the union of these States as the first of blessings ; and, as the first of duties, the preservation of that constitution which secures it. But I suppose these declarations not pertinent to the occasionofentering into an olfice whose primarv business is merelv to preside over

D

'"26 THE ADMUJISTHATIO-N

the form of this house. And no one more sincere- ly prays, that no accident may call me to the higher and more important functions which the constitu- tion eventually devolves on this office. These have been justly confided to the eminent character who has preceded me here, whose talents and integrity have been known and revered by me through a long course of years, have been the foundation of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship between us ; and I devoutly pray he may be long preserved for the government, the happiness and prosperity of our common country."

Theapparent liberal and patriotic sentiments dis- played in the President's speech, had the immediate effect of conciliating the friendship of many who had been his most violent opposers ; the sound of words was to supply fora few days, the place of virtuous deeds, and the services of Washington were to be eclipsed by the laboured periods of a studied ora- tion. A wri-ter in the Argus, breaks forth in the follov/ing strain of unthinking panegyric : *' Who can peruse this address without giving it his most unreserved approbation ? It is so long since the ci- tizens of America heard an acknowledgment, on the part of their Executive, that all power was de* rived from the people, that they had almost forgot their government w^as a representative one. ...not less pleasing must it be, to hear him place in a light bordering on ridicule, the diamonds,* robes, and other ornaments and decorations of royalty ; a strik- ing contrast this, to the example of his predecessor

OF JOHN ADAMS. 27^

in office. ...may he persevere in it, uninfluenced by the menaces or machinations of artful and design- ing men." One might have supposed this to be the language of ridicule and not sincerity, had not the author been a clergyman, who has since figured as one of the warmest espousers of the Hamiltonian faction.

As the mos"- distinguishing features in Mr. Adams's administration, have been his predilection for the English Government, and his avowed hatred to the French, it may not be improper to give a fair state- ment of the conduct of both these nations, to this country, previous to the election of 1797.. This will assist to develope the secret bonds w^hich were so firmly to unite the President of a free country with a British King. The most striking mark of regard which the Enghshpaid to Americans, w^as the re- spect shewn to our commerce^ by insulting indis- criminately, during the year 1796, almost every ves~ sel which displayed the flag of the United States. To enumerate all the deeds of this nature w^ould occupy several volumes. ...a few of the most glaring instances will be sufl^icient for the purpose.

The schooner John, of Salem, Captain Philip Saunders, had been on a voyage to Jamaica ; while he lay there, an English oflicer, and Ave m^en, from a sloop of war, came onboard to impress his crew. Only one of them happened to be on board besides the mate and a boy. The rest were on shore on bu- siness. The gang took the sailor. On being told that he w^as an American, they replied that they

28 THE ADMINISTRATION

knew this, but wanted men, and would have them whatever might be the consequences. Captain Saunders went on board the sloop of war to reclaim his seaman. The commander, in an insolent man- ner, ordered him back to hrs own vessel, desired an account of the wages due to the hand, and to send them and his clothes to the sloop. ...in case of non- compliance he was threatened with a flogging. The rest of the crev>^ were secreted on shore, by the Captain, for ten days, till the sloop of war sailed, as her declared design was to impress the whok. During this period the schooner lay exposed to the w*eather as well as the insults of the sloop of war, without any person to take care of her except the captain, his mate and the boy. /..the sloop*« crew consisted of eighty seven-men ; of these thirty-five w^ere said to be Americans, who had been impress- ed in the West-Indies. This story is related in the Salem newspapers of the 8th of March, as also by Mr. Callender, who concludes his account of it by observing, that such, at the distance of twenty months, w^as the success of Jay's appeal to the mag- nanimity of George Guelph, and of his kissing the band of '^ the meat, drink, snuff, and diamond-lov- ing Dame."

In the spring of 1796, Captain Samuel Green made a voyage from Norfolk, in Virginia, to Marti- nico. He commanded a fast sailing schooner, of three hundred barrels burthen ; and carried a cargo for the British at that island. On his arrival, the consignee shewed him a bill of sale of the vessel.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 29

and told him he was no longer master, because the schooner was bought for the British government^ and to be fitted out as a privateer. If Captain Green chose to remain on board, he was told he might have employment ; this offer he refused. Se- veral of the sailors were impressed by the British.... others were enticed to enter as volunteers in the different ships.

Jacob Peterson, master of the sloop Polly, of Philadelphia, on the 29th of January, 1796, ar- rived at Cape Nichola Mole, where he had scarce- ly cast anchor when the Syren, a British sixty-four, pressed one of his best seamen. On the 51st he sailed for Jeremie. While he remained in that port, about nine o'clock in the evening of the 9th of February, Captain Reynolds, of the Har- riot, a British armed ship in government service, manned his boat and pressed several American sea- men from different ships in the harbour. He be • gan with the ship Carolina of Baltimore, Captain Luther.

Next day Reynolds went on shore, swore that he would that night make a sweep among the Ame- ricans. The latter, hej^.ring of his threat, assembled themselves into two vessels that lay in the harbour, one of them the brig Richard and James, of Phi- ladelphia, and the other the schooner Eliza, of Bal- timore. About nine o'clock in the evening, a boat full of armed men was observed coming from the Harriot towards the Eliza. She was hailed and enjoined to keep her distance. Reynolds caused

30 THE ADMINISTRATION

his men to fire. This was returned, and after some t}me the boat went off.,.. she came back with a fresh supply of men, and again found it prudent to retire. The people in the Eliza then went on board of the Richard and James. Reynolds went on shore, procured a reinforcement, and came back to a third assault. Finding the Eliza deserted, he gave up the attempt. In this contest, the British said that they had seventeen killed or wounded. The Americans had one killed and one wounded.

On the 28th of March, 1796, the ship Bac- chus, Captain George, arrived at Philadelphia. On the 20th he was boarded by the Thetis, a Bri- tish frigate. She pressed his mate and cabin-boy on a suspicion of their being British subjects. The mate attempted to effect an escape, but was re- taken and nearly flogged to death.

The schooner Voluptas, Jonathan Hall, mas- ter, of Baltimore, was sent into Kingston by the Severn, of forty-four guns. She had on board a valuable cargo of coffee and cotton, and part of an outward bound freight of provisions, with a large sum of money. The Supercargo, Mr. Duncan^ was going from Gonaives to the Platform, to pur- chase Coffee to load the schooner for Baltimore. The pretence for seizing the Voluptas was, that she carried provisions for an enemy's port. At this time the Captain of the Severn had detained Mr. Duncan a prisoner for 52 days, and threatened to try him as a British subject for high treason, al- though he showed a certificate of his being an Ame- rican citizen.

OF JOHN ADAMS, 31

Captain Hal] and Mr. Duncan were sent ia irons from Cape Nichola Mole to Port-Royal, on board of the Lark man of war. On their passage they were put upon two-thirds of the British sea- men's allowance of salt beef and bread. The cap- tain, one night while asleep, had his watch and money stolen out of his pocket. It was their opinion that the Severn had designed to send the schooner to the bottom, for she run so near as to carry away her bowsprit.

The ship Lydia, Robert Blount, master, from Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire, had arrived at Kingston. About four leagues to the windward of Port Royal he was boarded by the Regulus. She took away his mate and four men. They were all natives of Portsmouth, married, and had regu- lar protections. Before taking them on board, the British captain sent his surgeon into the Lydia to examine the men, and see if they were in good health. The Regulus had pressed above fifty American seamen, went afterwards to Port-au- Prince, and from thence to England.

The ship Hannah, Captain Hoare, from Phi- ladelphia to France, was, on the twenty-fourth of February, taken by the Lynx sloop of war.... she stript the Hannah of her whole crew, excepting the mate, the cook and the cabin-boy, and sent her into Bermuda. Most of the hands impressed had protections. The Captain of the Lynx had spoke on the day before with the Roebuck, of Phi- ladelphia, and said that he was only prevented from taking her by a violent gale of wind.

32 THE ADMl2>riSTRATI0N

On the 29th of March, the ship Friendship, Captain Atkins, arrived at Norfolk.... when within the Capes of Chesapeake he was boarded by a boat from the Thetis, Captain Cochran, who pressed a man who had been naturahzed for ten years be- fore. As the Chesapeake is within the territory of the United States, he might as well have kidnapped him in the streets of Philadelphia. or New- York.

The Ocean, Captain Vredenburgh, was taken on the 3 3 st of March, only one league from the High-lands, and sent into Halifax by La Prevoy- ance, a British frigate. The whole crew, except- ing the master and mate, were impressed into the British service.... two of them were native Ameri- cans, and the restSvvedes and Danes. When Cap- tain Vredenburgh remonstrated, the Brihsh Captain told him to look to Jay's Treaty.

Captain Paulding, of the brig Polly, of New- York, from Curracoa, on the 3d of March, was sent into Grenada by the Favourite sloop of war.... his hands were impressed, his sailing orders, letters, invoices, and bills of lading, destroyed. The Cap- tain, mate and two passengers were stripped, of their baggage and wearing apparel, thrown into prison, where they were detained for three weeks, before a passport for their departure w^as granted.

The Maryland Journal of the 13th of April, 1797, has an extract of a letter from an American seaman, dated Spithead, December 26th, 1795, on board the ship Assistance, in which he had been de- tained from the 20th of October, preceding. ...the

OF JOHN ADAMS. oo

man belonged to the Hannah of Baltunore, Cap- tain Wescott. This vessel, v/ith four other Ame- ricans, were carried into St. Johns, Newfoundland ....the sailors were either turned ashore to starve, or pressed into the British service.

The Norfolk paper of the 4th of April has the following paragraph : ^' The ship Diana, of New* York, David Chadeayne master, on his passage from the East-Indies to Nev -York, was boarded by his Britannic Majesty's brig Pelican, Captain J. C. Searle, who sent an officer and crew oa board, and took out the mate, six people, and car- ried her into Port-Royal, where, on the 6th of jMarch, while in their possession, she caught lire and was burnt to the water's tdgQ^ v/ith all her cargo of immense value."

The Boston Newspaper of the 7th of April, 1796, has the following letter:

" Captain Elkanah Mayo, who arrived in tov/a this v\^eek from New- York, has favoured us witii the following account of the cruel treatment he and his men received from, the officers and men of the British frigate La Pique, at Barbadoes, in De- cember last, viz. Captain Mayo, in the ship Polly, of Cape-Ann, homeward bound from a whaling voyage, was drove in by stress of v/eathcr to Bar- badoes, where he lay near three weeks for the ar- rival of some Americans to freight his oil homiC, during which time the British frigate La Pique arrived there from a cruize, and, in two days after, pressed two of his hands. Captain Mavo applied

E

:34 TH£ ADMrKlSTKATIOlJ

to the Governor for protection, who caused the jnen to be released. Three days after, Captain Mavo's boat beins: ashore with three men, wait- ing for him, the frigate's barge hauled in close to liis boat, and boarded him with cutlasses, to press the men by force. The men called on Captain Mayo from the shore, who run to the boat for their relief, where he found the crew of the British frigate, with the tiller of their barge, beating his men over their heads with said tiller, till the blood gushed from their mouths and noses, and othervvise mano-lin^: them in a barbarous and shock- ing manner. Captain Mayo sprung into the boat and cleared it of the British crew. The com.mand- ing officer, who was then oh the wharf, said he would have every m.an on board the ship. Mr. Woodruff, with whom Captain Mayo did business, being on the wharf, offered his bonds to the Cap- tain of the frigate that he w^ould bring his protec- tions on shore. Captain Mayo then went on board his ship to bring his protections.. ..while he was on board, the commanding officer of the fri- gate, and all the rest of the officers, got into their barge, waiting for Captain Mayo, who was re- turning with all his protections... .they boarded him....tlie commianding officer jumped into Captain Mayo's boat with his drawn cutlass, and dragged by force all his men into their barge, and then ore- sented his cutlass to Captain Mayo's breast, and ordered him into the barge, which he refused ; after which he pricked him several times in the breast.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 35

and then towed him on board the fi"igatc....he put Captain Mayo's men into the hole, among his men who were sick with the yellow fever....he then or- dered a pairof irons to be fixed on GaptaiaMavo, which were not, however, fixed. ...he kept him on the quarter-deck until evening, then ordered Cap- tain Mayors boat to be hauled up, and ordered him on board alone. Captain ^layo requested b.im to let him have a man to go with him,, which the Cap- tain of the frigate refused ; then said he would cast him off and let him po adrift.. ..he told him he mioht perish at sea, to which he replied he hoped he would. Captain Mayo told him he would not go unless he cast him off.. ..he then took his barge and tov/ed Captain Mayo on board his own ship. The next morning Captain Mayo went to the Governor and complained of the officers* conduct. ...the Gov- ernor ordered his men to be immediately released, who were accordingly sent on shore. Four days after, three of his men were taken with ihe yellov/ fever, which they took while on board the frigate,. and which spread through Captain Mayo's ship's company. ...four of his men died of the fever; the rest were obliged to leave the ship, and he hired negroes to pump her. Captain Mayo then char- tered vessels as he could find them, to take his men and cargo to the United States. This base con- duct of our new treaty-allies occasioned the loss of eight thousand dollars to his owners."

/, the subscribe?^, do testify to the above account, (Signed) ELKANAH MAYO,

S6 THE A]>MINISTRATION

The Musquito, Captain Harshar, arrived orr the 17tb of January at Baltimore, from Bourdeaux, On the voyage he was met by the Hussar, a British frigate.... his keys were taken, his chests broke open, and every thing stolen that the British could lay their hands on. They also drank a case of wine, pressed the Musquito'smate, and one of the hands, who was an American.

A letter from Fredericksburgh, dated April 1, 1796, has the following intelligence : The schoo- ner William, Captain John Scott, from Bassaterre, St. Kitts, having arrived in the river, on the 23d of February, between nine and ten o'clock in the evening in Bassaterre-road, he was boarded by a boat wath five men with cutlasses... .they belonged to a British armed sloop lying there. They order- ed William M'Coy, a native of Fredericksburgh, into the boat ; but being prevented from taking him, they went back to the sloop; immediately after, they returned with their commander, one Williams, and an additional number of men, armed with pistols and cutlasses.... they took away from the schooner, John Mansfield, William M'Coy, and two blacks. Next morning Captain Scott w^ent on shore, and proved these people to be citizens of the United States.. ..lie could recover only the two blacks. Every American at the port shared a similar fate.... a Baltimore schooner w^as stript of all her hands excepting the mate and a boy.

A letter from Captain Thorndike Deland, dated Kingston, 1st of April, 1796, to a merchant iu

OF JOHN ADAMS". 37

Philadelphia, contained for publication a list of twelve American vessels taken and carried into that port. Captain Deland farther says, that he had heard of twenty-seven other ships at Tortola which were in jeopardy. ...that all Americans when carried into Kingston were, after examination, turned ashore without provision for their support. Any one having a concern in a house, or having even a factor in St. Domingo, or any French port, w^as deemed a Frenchman, and his property was on that account condemned. On the 21st of April, 1796, the schooner William and Mary, Captain Shaw, arrived at Portsmouth, New-Hampshire, in thirty-eight days from Kingston. ...when he left that place, the impressment of American seamen had not subsided. On the 5th of May the schooner Mermaid, Captain Tabet, arrived from the Mole at New- York.... his mate^ a native American, was pressed by the Regulus. Several other Americans were, at the same time, pressed from different ves- sels.

A Charleston newspaper of the 8th of April, 1796, contains the c?opy of a sentence past by Judge Green, of Bermuda. ...it is dated the 6th of January preceding, and respected the brig Fame. In summer 1795, the Fame sailed from Charles- ton for Bourdeaux....on her return she was captured and taken into Bermuda.. ..the vessel and cargo were both American property, but one of the own- ers, who went along with her, had staid behind iu France to dispose of the remaining part of the

38 THE ADMINISTRATION

cargo.... this accident transformed him, in the eyes of Green, into a French citizen, and on that pre- tence both ship and loading were confiscated. Thus the British went on in the West-Indies, while Mr. Bayard was transmitting to Philadelphia his im- portant assurances about indemnification, and the resentment of the London Court of Admiralty at the decrees of Green.

About the 23d of April, Captain Mercer of the sloop Ambuscade, arrived at Philadelphia from Bermuda. He brought a list of eight American vessels, with their cargoes, which were condemned at that place, and of seven others which were li- belled....one of the latter was a brig from Boston. Captain Mercer had heard that her captain had died of abuse which he received from the prize- master. A paragraph of the same date says, that at Nevis, the schooner Andrew, Captain Mon- tayne, of Philadelphia, had her mate and seamen pressed by a British schooner.. ..they were all Ame- ricans, and had protections. The particulars are related in the Captain's protest as transmitted to his owner.

Joshua Whiting was a seaman on board of the American brig Samuel.... at Port-au-Prince he and four others of the crew were pressed by a British frigate.... three of them after eleven days, escaped by swimming, in the course of which one man had the calf of his leg bitten off by a shark. ...ano- ther of them was retaken and almost flogged to death. Whiting and the cripple escaped, after

OF JOHN ADAMS. i$P

losing their whole adventure, besides being cruelly treated.

The brig Columbia, and the schooner Unity, both of Newburyport, sailed from Port Lewis on the 7th of March, 1796. ...next day they were brought to by the Ganges, a British seventy-four, and a schooner attendant on the ship, and sent into Montserrat, examined, and on the 14th dismissed, upon paying forty-four pounds, four shillings and ten pence, as the expence of their examination.

The sloop Dove, of New-Haven, in Connecti- cut, had gone on a voyage to the Y/est-Indies. While lying at iVntigua she was boarded by a boat's crew from the Narcissus, who took away Benja- min Eastman. ...he was a native American, and as such had a protection. On the 3d of April, 1796, the master and mate of the Dove made oath to this fact at New-Haven.

In April, 1796, the American ship Eliza, sailed from New- York, for St. Thomas, and had orders to touch at St. Bartholomew ; she was taken by captain Cochran of the Thetis frigate.... the super- cargo, a Danish subject, was stript to the skin..., the ship was libelled before the Vice-Admiralty Court at Bermuda, under pretence of being French property. The trunks of the supercargo were seal- ed up, and he was thrown pennyless out of the ship, without clothes or a second shirt to his back. The captain and crew were put on shore destitute of subsistence. Six or seven days after the ship and cargo had been libelled, the cattle were sold

40 THE ADMINISTRATION

at half their prime cost, bought in by the agents who sold them, and sold a second time next day. at a considerable profit.

A Boston newspaper of the 26th of May, con-^ tains a deposition dated at St. George, the 27th of April preceding. It was emitted by the second mate of the Brigantine Polly, John Bosson, late master. ...the ve:5sel was on her way from Demarara, to Boston, when the Cleopatra, a British privateer, took her. So n after, the prize-master quarrelled with captciin Bosson, and wantonly beat him in a most shocking manner. Within six days after, captain Bosson died of his bruises, in the twenty- fifth year of his age.

Such were the effects of Jay's treaty to Ameri- can commerce. Not more than a twelvemonth af- ter this treaty was signed, and not six months af- ter it had been fully ratified, upwards of three hundred American ships w^ere captured by British frigates and British pirates ; and, upon the most moderate calculation, a thousand American citi- zens were doomed to fight in the cause of a ty- rant against the rights of their nation. Much noise has been made about the injuries committed against American commerce by the French repub- lic, but in this year, when every newspaper was suf- focated with British robberies, we only find three or four instances of French depredation. The fol- lowing is the only one, of which a correct state- ment is given : the paragraph i;i from a Boston paper, of the 16th of April, 1796.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 41

By an arrival on Saturday, of a vessel from Cur- tacoa, we received the following protest of Hugh Wilson, master of the American brig called the Jay, belonging to Baltimore, who being duly sworn before the Notary Royal and Public, of St. Bartholomew, declareth : " That having got his vessel captured and condemned, as hereafter will appear, and having had his log-book and all the papers belonging to the vessel and to himself tak- en from him, all to the shipping articles, and a small memorandum book of his private disburse- ments, he is obliged to give his declaration from memory, and to the best of his recollection, viz. That on the 10th of April last, 1795, he sailed in said brig from St. Pierre, in the island of Marti- nico, bound to Antigua ; that on the 12th of said month, in the morning, he was boarded by the French armed schooner (as near as he could recol- lect) the Athenienne, commanded by one Paschal, from Guadaloupe, under the lee of which island the brig then was, and in the evening was carried into Bassaterre-road, in said last island ; that the same deponent, and all his crew, were immediately put on board a French sloop of war, where they were detained about eight or ten days, without knowing what was the intention of the French to do with the said brig, and w^ithout ever having been heard or examined ; that the deponent and supercargo, Mr. John Starck, were sent on shore and conducted to the interpreter or linguist, who told them the brig Jay, and her remaining cargo,

F

4-2 THE ADMINISTRATION

consisting in corn and slaves, had already been condemned, and who furnished Mr. Starck with a copy of the condemnation; that Mr. Starck was put at liberty, but the deponent was, the next day, thrown into Bassaterre gaol, w^here he remained about ten days, after which, he was drove out of the said gaol, and put in chains on board a small French schooner, bound^to Point-a-Petre, the de- ponent lying all the passage (about sixty hours) with eight prisoners more, chained to the same bar, in the hold of said schooner, upon the stone bal- last, with a very .scanty and indifferent food ; that having arrived in such a situation at Point-a-Petre, the deponent was immediately put on board one of the prison-ships in the harbour, where he was de- tained for near eight months, that is to say, until the 1 St inst. (January, 1796) when Captain Wheeler, of the brig Peggy, of New- York, having obtained permission to pick out American sailors, that might be found on board of different prison-ships, came along side the ship where the deponent was detain- ed 3 that having made his case known to him, he, the said Captain Wheeler, took the deponent along with him, and put him on board the said brig Peg- gy; that on the 11th inst. or there about, the de- ponent went in said brig from Point-a-Petre, and arrived in this harbour of Gustavia, yesterday, the 13th inst. without yet knowing w^hat has become of his vessel, the brig Jay, her cargo, or any thing belonging to her, and wdthout ever having been heard, either in behalf of said property or of him-

OF JOHN ADAMS* 4S

self, during all the time of near nine montlis he was detained in Guadaloupe, plundered of every thing belonging to him, and not left a second shirt to put on ', that during his detention in Point-a-Petre, Captain Lyle, of Baltimore, as he passed by said prison-ship, having seen and recollected the depo- nent, had applied to the commissaire de guerre in his behalf, but in vain, as said Captain Lyle after- wards told the deponent.'*

Having related the principal depredations committed upon the commerce of the United States, by the respective powers of Great Britain and France, during the year 1796, I shall now give a general view of T^Ir. Monroe's embassy, and of those circumstances which led to the unfortu- nate misunderstandinsf which existed betv/een A- merica and France, during the administration of Mr. Adams.

For some time previous to 1794, the conduct of the Executive of this country had been extreme- ly distant and ceremonious towards the Republic of France, nor did the recal of Mr. Genet, the French Ambassador, whose personal altercations with the President had led the French government to make this act of solemn reparation, effect any change in its favour. The French justly supposed, that na- tional honour, if not national gratitude, v/ould have prevented the American government from seizing the opportunity when they were struggling for their political existence, against the power of despots, to throw herself into the arms of their most

44 THE ADMINISTRATION

potent enemy. It was, therefore, with equal sur-t prize and indignation, that they heard of the ne- gociation which Mr. Jay was carrying on between America and England, the tenor of which was so evidently in opposition to treaties already existing between them and us.

An intercepted letter from the President of the United States, addressed to Mr. Morris, who of- ficiated as secret agent of the American govern- ment, in London, had discovered to the Directory the hostile views of the government of the United States, and the intrigues they were carrying on with England. This letter, which was dated at Philadelphia, the 22d of December, 1794, was saved from the wreck of the Boston packet, that had foundered on the coast of France. It was a detailed answer to various letters of Mr. Morris, respecting the pending negociation. The Presi- dent complained highly of the haughty conduct of the English administration, and of the arbitrary measures which they had pursued, and which they were continuing to pursue, with respect to American navigation. He requested Mr. Morris o represent to the minister, not only the injustice, but the impolicy of this conduct, particularly, at the moment when it was so much the interest of England, to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of the United States to the acceptance of the trea- ty. He detailed the efforts he had made, and the difficulties he had undergone, to overcome the wayward disposition of his countrymen towards

OF JOHN ADAMS. 45

French politics, the abettors of which, were the chief opponents of the treaty in question, which, however, he said, had the approbation of the greater and more respectable part of the community. His main object, he observed, the only object, indeed, which ought to be continually kept in view, was peace, which he was most anxious to preserve ; and if America was happy enough to keep herself out of European quarrels, she might, from the increase of her trade, from securing the monopoly of being the carrier of the world, vie, in twenty years, with the most formidable power in Europe.

Such sentiments from the President of the United States, naturally awakened in the French, those feelings of resentment which arise from a sense of injury, heightened by ingratitude; and excited also in them a desire of displaying that re- sentment.

On the 2d of August, 1794, when Mr. James Monroe, who had been appointed our Alinister Plenipotentiary to the French Republic, arrived in Paris, he perceived an apparent coolness and distrust in the proceedings of the French Conven- tion, and affairs appeared to him to be in a train for an entire separation of the two countries. More than a week elapsed after he presented his credentials to the commissary of foreign affairs, without obtaining an answer when he should be received. The state of things occasioned by the fall of Robespierre^ which took place before his

4o THE ADMINISTRATION

arrival, he imagined might be the reason of this delay, but he soon understood that it proceeded from a very different cause. It was intimated to him, that the committee of public safety had im- bibed an opinion, that Mr. Jay was sent to Eng- land w4th views unfriendly to France, and that his mission was adopted for the purpose of cover- ing and supporting Mr. Jay's to England ; that Mr. Jay's was a measure of substantial import, contemplating on the part of America, a close union with England, and that Mr. Monroe's was an act of policy, intended to amuse and deceive. It was added, that this impression not only caused the delay of his reception, but that the committee, being unwilling to become the dupes of this policy, was devising how to defeat it.

Upon consideration of these circumstances, Mr^ Monroe addressed a letter to the Convention on the 14th of August, notifying his arrival, and ask- ing to what department of the government he should present himself for recognition. This ex- pedient procured the desired effect, and he was received by the convention itself, on the day fol- lowing. When he delivered his address to the convention, he laid Hkevv^ise before it, the resolu- tions of the Senate and House of Representatives, as communicated by the administration, in respect to France and the French revolution.

After being recognized, the first object Mr. Monroe turned his attention to, was the deranged state of American commerce, and, for that pur-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 47

pose, he applied to the committee of pubUc safe- ty, for a restoration of the ancient and legitimate order of things, with reparation for the injuries America had sustained. His first note to the com- mittee on this subject was dated the 3d of Septem- ber, 1794. ...six weeks, however, elapsed withou!: receiving any satisfactory answer. On the 18th of October, he sent in a second note in support of the former, but with little elfect. He at last obtained an interview with the diplomatic memibers of the committee; commencing a conversation Vv'ith a de- sign to lead them to that point, that he m.ight ex- plain in a suitable manner, the objects of Mr. Jay's mission to England. The Gazettes of Paris, at that time, were filled with reports that Mr. Jay was to pass over to France, to propose a mediation of peace, on the part of America, at the Instance of England. ...which reports increased, in a consider- able desfree, the suspicions of the committee. Mr. Monroe, therefore, with a view of doing away those ideas, proposed an offer of our services, to promote peace by way of mediation, according to an article in his instructions ; but in a manner to create belief that we neither wished, nor would undertake that ofiice, unless by solicitation ^ nor then, except at the instance of our ally ; ad- ding that he wanted no immediate answ^er to this communication, having made it only to inform them of the amicable views of our administration towards France. So far Mr. Monroe's object went to discredit the report without noticing it-

48 THE ADMINISTRATION

The members, however, adverted directly to it, ask- ing Mr. Monroe, v^hether it was true ; to which he replied, that it could not be true, since Mr. Jay was sent to England on special business, only " to demand compensation for the depredations on our trade, and the surrender of the western posts," to which his authority was strictly limited. The members acknowledged in terms sufficiently polite, the atttention which was shewn on that occasion, by the administration, to the interests of France, as well in the off^r of service to the French Republic by the United States, as in the confidential communication Mr. Monroe made upon the subject of our own affairs. Thus the conference ended.

' About this time, Mr. Monroe was applied to by M. Gardoqui, minister of Finance in Spain, to obtain for him, of the French government, per- mission to enter France, ostensibly to attend cer- tain baths on account of ill health, but more pro- bably to open a negociation for peace with the French Repubhc. At first, Mr. Monroe was ad- verse to comply with his demand, but it having been reiterated, and passing by trumpet through the Spanish and French armies, he could not avoid presenting it to the view of the French govern* ment.

After this incident, he was asked by the diplo- matic members of the committee of public safety, whether he thought they could obtain by loan, of the United States, or within the United States, son\e

OF JOHN ADAMS. 49

money to aid the French government in its opera- tion. Mr. Monroe understood, about four or five millions of dollars were wanted to be laid out in the purchase of provisions and other supplies in the United States. Shortly after, he was informed by the diplomatic members of the Committee of Public Safety, that their minister, then about to de- part for the United States, would be instructed to propose an arrangement, whereby France should engage to secure the attainment of all our claims, upon foreign powers, v/hen she made her own trea- ties with them, as likewise to protect our commerce from the Algerines.

By these several communications and explana- tions on Mr. Monroe's part, which were much aid- ed by the movements of general Wayne on the frontiers, shewing, that if America was not in a state of actual war with Great Britain, so neither was she in a state of actual peace, the doubts which the committee had entertained began to wear away.

On the 18th of .November, 1794, the Committee of Public Safety, passed an arrete, by which the commissary of marine was ordered to adjust the amount due to our citizens on account of the Bourdeaux embargo, as likewise for supplies ren- dered to the government of St. Domingo. By it, too, the embarrassments which impeded our direct commerce with France, as also those which im- peded it with other countries, by the arbitrary rule of contraband, in respect to provisions destined for

G

5o THE ADMINISTRATION

those countries, were done away. Free passage in American vessels was likewise allowed to the sub- jects of the powers at war with France, other than soldiers and sailors in the actual service of such ' powers. In short, all the objects to which Mr. Monroe's note of the 3d of September extended, were yielded, except that of allowing our vessels to protect enemies' goods ; which point was de-^ clared to be withheld until such powers should a- gree that the merchandize of French citizens, in neutral vessels, should likewise be free.

Thus the business of reform, respecting our af- fairs with France, was commencedc.but it did not end here ; for, not long after, it was proposed by the above-named committee, united with that of le- gislation, in a report to the convention, as the part of a general system, to put in execution like- wise that article of our treaty which stipulates that free ships shall make free goods ; which pro- position was adopted and announced to Mr. Mon- roe, on the 3d of January, 1795.

Our affairs with France were now in a pros- perous state. By the repeal of the decrees under which our trade was harrassed, there was an end put to complaints from that cause ; and, as orders were issued for the adjustment of the accounts of s-uch of our citizens as had claims upon the French Republic, with a view to their payment, the pros- pect of retribution for past losses was likewise a good one. Our commerce, also, flourished beyond what v/as ever known before ; for, by virtue of our

OF JOHN AD-AMS. 51

treaty with France of 1778, America was becom- ing the carrier of her own commodities to England and her allies. Such, too, was the friendly bias of the people of France towards us, that notwithstand- ing our vessels gave no protection to French proper- ty against English cruizers, nor in certain cases to the productions of the French islands turned into American property, yet we were become likewise the principal carriersof France. ..even the privilege of American citizenship was an object of great va- lue to the owner, for an American citizen could neutralize vessels, funds, &;c. and thus profit in many ways by the condition of his country. In short, such was our situation with the French Re- public, and with other powers, so far as depended on France, that there was but one point upon which we had cause to feel or express any solici? tude ; which was, that it might not vary.

But,^ unhappily, this state of things, so corres- pondent with the ancient relations of America witli France, so congenial with the public sentiments, and necessary to the public welfare, was not doom- ed to be a permanent one ; for even whilst the * proposition last above-mentioned, was depending before the convention, accounts were received from England, that Mr. Jay had concluded a trea- ty with that power of a very different import from bis instructions, or what the French government had a right to expect.

As soon as this report reached Paris, it produ- ced in the committee a very disagreeable sensation

52 , THE ADMINISTRATION

in regard to America ; for immediately afterwards, Mr. Monroe was applied to by that body in a let- ter, which stated, that they had heard of the con- tents of that treaty, and asking in what light they were to consider it. It happened that Mr. Mon- roe had received on the same day a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 25th of November, informing him, that he had concluded, on the 19th of the same month, a treaty with Great Britain, which contain- ed a declaration that it should not be construed or operate contrary to our existing treaties, *^ but as it was not ratified It would be improper to publish it." Mr. Monroe, therefore, made Mr. Jay's letter the basis of his reply to the committee, adding, that although he was ignorant of the particular stipula- tions of the treaty, yet he took it for granted the report was altogether without foundation.

On the 16tli of January, 1795, Mr. Monroe received another letter from Mr. Jay, informing him, that he proposed to communicate to him, in cyphers, the principal heads of the treaty, confi- dentially. Mr. Monroe being surprised at this intelligence, and not wishing to possess a copy of the treaty, if clogged with any condition what- ever, wrote to Mr. Jay, by a Mr. Purviance, to that purpose. He received an answer, refusing to send him a copy of the treaty, urging, as a motive for his refusal, that America was an independent nation.

Soon after this extraordinary answer, Mr. Mon- roe received another letter from Mr. Jay, by Colo-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 53

nel Trumbull, informing him that he had authori- zed that gentleman to communicate to him the contents of the treaty, but this proposition Mr. Monroe very properly rejected.

Colonel Trumbull, however, made a commu- nication upon the subject of the treaty, to Mr. Hidsborn, of Boston, with a design that he should communicate the same to Mr. Monroe.... in con- sequence of which, Mr. Monroe received it, and made of it, afterwards, all the use which a paper so informal would admit of.

About the beginning of February, 1795, Mr. Monroe received a letter from the Secretary of State, dated the 2d of December, 1794. In this letter, the Secretary takes notice of Mr. Monroe*s address to the Convention, as also of his letter to the Committee of Public Safety. In the first, he charges him with having expressed a solicitude for the welfare of the French Republic, in a style too warm and affectionate. ...much more so than his instructions warranted. For the future, he in- structs him to cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but v/ithout any unnecessary eclat. In Mr. Monroe's letter to the Committee, demanding an indemnity for spoliations, and a repeal of the de- crees suspending the execution of certain articles of our treaty of commerce with France, the Secre- tary censures Mr. Monroe for having yielded an interest it w^as his duty to secure.

About the beginning of July, 1795, Colonel Humphreys, then Resident Minister of the United

54 THE ADMINISTRATION

States, at Lisbon, arrived at Paris, with a view to obtain of the French Government, its aid in sup- port of our negociations with the Barbary powers. He brought no letter from the administration to the French Government, to authorize his treating with it in person, and, of course, it became the duty of Mr. Monroe, to apply in his behalf for the aid that was desired. Accordingly, he addressed a letter to the Committee of Public Safety, on the 5th of July, 1795, opening the subject to its view generally, and requesting its aid in such mode as should be agreed between them. Mr. Monroe had several conferences with the members of the diplomatic section of the Committee of Public Safe- ty, upon the subject, as also with the Commissary of Foreign Affairs, by whom he was assured, that the aid desired should be given in the most effica- cious manner that it could be. Arrangements were, therefore, taken for pursuing those negociations, under the care of Joel Barlow, and with the full aid of France, when, unfortunately, as Mr. Bar- low was upon the point of embarking with our presents, intelligence was received, that a Mr, Donaldson, whom Colonel Humphreys had left at Alicante, with a conditional power, but in the ex- pectation that he would not proceed in the business till he heard further from him, had passed over to Algiers, and concluded a treaty with that regency, and, of course, without the aid of France ; which, therefore, ended our appHcation to the French gov- ernment for its aid in support of our negociations with those powers.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 55

Early in June, 1795, accounts were received in Paris, that the British government had revived its order for the seizure of provision vessels destined for France. At that period, Paris, and many other parts of France, were in the greatest distress for provisions ; in consequence whereof, the atten- tion of the government was directed with great solicitude, to those quarters whence supplies were expected, particularly to the United States, where great sums had been expended in the purchase of them. Unfortunately, however, but few of those vessels reached their destination, as they were, in general, taken by the British cruizers. It being obvious, that the aggression of Great Britain upon the rights of neutral nations, w^as made with the intention of increasing the distress that was then raging at Paris^, it tended to excite a ferment in the French councils, which was not pointed against Great Britain alone. The United States were par- ticularly animadverted upon, owing to a report from one of its secret agents in England, who stated, he was advised, through a channel to be relied upon, that the English government had intimated the measure would not be offensive to the United States, since it was a case provided for between Great Britain and them.

About the middle of August, 1795, American Gazettes were received at Paris, containing copies of the English treaty, whereby its contents were made known to the committee of Public Safety. From this period, therefore, a-U mysterv was at an

56 THE ADMINISTRATION

end. ...the possession of the treaty enabled the French government to judge for itself upon all the points which it involved. Nor was the effect which it produced an equivocal one; for, accord- ing to Mr. Monroe's report, there was not a de- scription of persons, not in the interest of the coa- lesced powers, who did not openly and severely censure it.

In the beginning of December, 1795, Mr. Monroe received two letters from Mr. Pickering, by which he was informed officially, and for the first time, that the treaty was ratified.

From this period, to the 25th of June, 1796, Mr. Monroe had frequent conferences with sever- al of the members of the Directory, from whom he received the flattering assurance of the friend- ship of France towards the United States. But this prospect was sooa changed, by a letter which he received from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, re- questing information, whether the intelligence which the Gazettes announced, of the House of Representatives having agreed to carry the treaty into effect, was to be relied on ? and, in case it was. asking further, in what light they were to view that event, before he called the attention of the Directory to those consequences resulting from it, which specially interested the French Republic ? Mr. Monroe replied to the Minister, that with respect to his first interrogatory, whether the House of Representatives had passed a law to carry the treaty into effect ? he could s;ive him no authentic

OF JOHN ADAMS. 57

information. ...and with respect to the second, as he had already answered his several objections to that treaty, to which he had received no reply, it was impossible for him to enter again, under such circumstances, into that subject.

In the beginning of August, 1796, the Direc- tory recalled Mr. Adet, and appointed another to take his place, with the grade of charge des af- faires. Mr. Monroe apprehending, from certain circumstances, that he would not be well received by the government of the United States, remon- strated against his appointment with the French government, and with success; for it was revoked. In the beginning of August, Mr. Monroe saw in the Gazette, a communication from the Minister of Foreign Affairs to Mr. Barthelemy, the Am- bassador of France to the Swiss Cantons, announc- ing an arrete of the Directory, by which it was determined to act towards the commerce of neutral powers, in the same manner as those powers per- mitted the English government to act towards them. In consequence whereof, he applied to the Minister for information relative to that arrete, from whom he received a general answer, corres- ponding only in sentiment with the letter above- mentioned, to the Ambassador of the Republic, at Basle.

About the end of August, Mr. Monroe heard that Mr. Adet was recalled, and no successor ap- pointed in his room. He was informed, at the same time, that any further application from him to the

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THE ADMINISTRATION

French government would be improper ; since it Vv'ould not only prove fruitless, but, most probably, produce an ill efTect.

Near seven months had elapsed since the Mi- nister of Foreign Affairs communicated to Mr, Monroe the discontent of the Directory, on ac- count of Jay*s treaty, and its decision to make the bame known to our government by an Envoy Ex- traordinary, to be dispatched to the United States ; in the course of which time, he had not received a bingle line from the Department of State, although he had regularly informed it of every incident that occurred, and notwithstanding the crisis was a very important one, requiring the profound attention of the Administration. In the course of this time, Mr. Monroe was left alone by the Administra- tion, to oppose the discontent of France, not only unaided, but likewise under circumstances the most unfavourable. At this period, also, he received a letter from the Secretary of State, of the irth of June, communicating to him the high dissatisfaction of the President, on account of his conduct respecting the British treaty. On the 12th of October, he received a letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, announcing the recal of Mr. Adet, and in the beginning of November, he received a letter from the Secreta- ry of State, announcing his own recal by the Presi- dent of the United States.

The Directory, when Mr. Monroe took leave, observed, as they had done on a former occasion

OF JOHN ADAMS. 5^

with respect to Sweden, that the People of Ame- rica not being implicated in the acts of their gov- ernment, were still objects of their esteem ; and expressed also their personal regard for the inte- rest which Mr. ^lonroe, during his residence at Paris, had shewn for the welfare of the Republic. The news of the intended resignation of the President of the United States, had preceded the arrival of the new Ambassador, Mr. Pinckney, This event, which was expected by the French gov- ernment, had, in some measure, allayed its warmth ; and it was hoped that an amicable arrangement would speedily have taken place, as it was sup- posed that the choice of the United States would fall on a person less hostile to their interests ; but as the exchange of Ambassadors under the present circumstances, afforded so favourable an opportu- nity of expressing their feelings, they not only re- fused to permit the new Ambassador to remain of- ficially at Paris, but intimated to him, tliat his resi- dence as a private citizen was inexpedient.

CHAPTER IIL

Speech of the President.,, .Anszverfroyn the House of Representatives. . . .Proceedings of Congress.

j\0 event had occurred since the confedera- tion of the States, which excited such general con- sternation and anxiety among all classes of people, as the proclamation for the meeting of Congress,

60 THE ADMINISTRATION

on the fifteenth of May. The recal of Mr. Adel, and the dismission of Mr. Pinckney, by the Direc- tory of France, sufficiently evinced the opinion Avhich that Republic entertained of our Adminis- tration. From the well known principles of Mr. Adams, it was not to be expected that proper per- sons would be appointed to effect a reconciliation between the two countries. Yet, great hopes were entertained by the republican party, that whatever might be the views of the Executive, the virtue and patriotism of the House of Representatives were such, as never to allow them to abandon our natural ally, and embrace again the arms of Bri- tain, against the cause of universal freedom.

The first business which the House of Repre- sentatives entered upon after having met, was the choice of a Speaker. Mr. Dayton, Mr. Dent and Mr. Baldwin, were the three candidates ; but Mr. Dayton was elected, there being seventy-six votes in his favor. Mr. Dent and Mr. Baldwin had only one each.

Upon Tuesday, the 1 6th of May, the President addressed to both Houses of Congress assembled, the following speech :

" Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

^' The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, in leaving their families and private affairs at this sea- son of the year, are so obvious, that I the more re- gret the extraordinary occasion which has render- ed the convention of Congress indispensable.

OF JOHN ADAMS. '61

'^ It would have afforded me the highest satis- •factiion, to have been able to congratulate you on a restoration of peace to the nations of Europe, whose animosities have endangered our tranquility. ...but we have still abundant cause of gratitude to the supreme dispenser of national blessings, for gene- ral health and promising seasons ; for domestic and social happiness ; for the rapid progress and am- ple acquisitions of industry, through extensive ter- ritories ; for civil, political and religious liberty. While other States are desolated with foreign war or convulsed with intestine division-s, the United States present the pleasing prospect of a nation, governed by mild and equal laws, generally satis- fied with the possession of their rights ; neither en- vying the advantages nor fearing the power of other nations ; solicitous only for the maintenance of or- der and justice, and the preservation of liberty ; increasing daily in their attachment to a system of government, in proportion to their experience of its utility ; yielding a ready and general obedience to laws, flowing from the reason and resting on the only solid foundation, the affections of the people.

" It is with extreme regret I shall be obliged to turn your thoughts to other circumstances, which admonish us, that some of these felicities may not be lasting; but if the tide of our prosperity is full, and a reflux commencing, a vigilant circumspection becomes us, that we may meet our reverses with fortitude, and extricate ourselves from their conse- quences, with all the skill we possess, and all the efforts in our power.

62 THE ADMINISTRATION

" In giving to Congress information of the state of the union, and recommending to their considera- tion, such measures as appear to me expedient or necessary, according to my constitutional duty, the causes and the objects of the present extraordinary session will be explained.

" After the President of the United States receiv- ed information that the French govarnment had expressed serious discontents at some proceedings of the government of these States, said to affect the interests of France, he thought it expedient to send to that country, a new minister, fully instruct- ed to enter on such amicable discussions, and to give such candid explanations, as might happily re- move the discontent and suspicions of the French government, and vindicate the conduct of the Uni- ted States. For this purpose, he selected from among his fellow citizens, a character, whose inte- grity, talents, experience and services, had placed him in the rank of the most esteemed and respected in the nation. The direct object of his mission was expressed in his letters of credence to the French Republic, being, to " maintain that good under- standing, which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions and restore that cordiality, which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union." And his instructions were to the same effect, " faithfully to represent the disposition of the Government and People of the United States, their disposition be-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 65

ing one -, to remove jealousies and obviate com- plaints, by shewing that they were groundless ^ to restore that mutual confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously impaired, and to ex- plain the relative interests of both countries, and the real sentiments of his own."

"A minister thus specially commissioned, it w^as expected, would have proved the instrument of restoring mutual confidence between the two re- publics....the first step of the French government corresponded with that expectation. A few days before his arrival at Paris, the French Minister of Foreign Relations, informed the American Minister then resident at Paris, of the formalities to be ob- served by himself in taking leave, and by his suc- cessor, preparatory to his reception. These formal- ities they observed ; and on the ninth of December, presented officially to the Minister of Foreign Re- lations, the one a copy of his letters of recal, the other a copy of his letters of credence. These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards, the Minister of Foreign Relations, informed the recalled American Minister, that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the redress of grievances demand- ed of the\ American government, and which the French Republic had a right to expect from it. The American Minister immediately endeavoured to ascertain, whether, by refusing to receive him, it was intended that he should retire from the territo-

6 i T H E A D M 1 N I S r R A T I C N

lies of the French Republic, and verbal answers were given, tliat such was the intention of the Direc- tory. For his own justification, he desired a written answer j but obtained none until towards the last of January; when, receiving notice in writing to quit the territories of the Repubhc, he proceed- ed to Amsterdam, where he proposed to w^ait for instruction from this government. During his residence at Paris, cards of hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the jurisdiction of the minister of Police. ...but with becoming firmness, he insisted on the protec- tion of the law of nations, due to him as the known minister of a foreign power. You will derive fur- ther information from his dispatches, which will be laid before you.

" As it is often necessary that nations should treat for the mutual advantage of their affairs, and espe- pecially to accommodate and terminate differences ; as they can treat only by ministers, the right of em- bassy is well known, and established by the law and usage of nations ; the refusal on the part of France to receive and hear our minister, is then the denial of a right, but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded to their demands, without discussion and without investigation, is to treat us neither as allies, nor as friends, nor as a sovereign State.

" With this conduct of the French government, it will be proper to take into view the public audi- ence given to the late minister of the United States,

OF JOHN ADAMS* 6j

tsn his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the President discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, be- cause more dangerous to our independence and union ; and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. ...it evmces a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the govern- ment ; to persuade them that they have diiferent affections, principles and interests from those of their fellow citizens, whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such at- tempts ought to be repelled, with a decision which shall convince France and the world, that w^e are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character and interest. " I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions, if it had been possible to conceal them, but they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity, that they cannot be disguised, and will not soon be forgotten ; they have infflicted a wound in the American breast. ...it is my sincere desire, however, that it may be healed ; it is my sincere desire, and in this, I presume, I concur with you and with oifr constituents, to preserve peace and friendship with all nations ^ and believing that

I

65 THE ADMINISTRATION

neither the honour nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances for securing those desirable objects v>ith France^ I shall institute a fresh attempt at negociation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an accom- modation, on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests and honour of the nation. If we liave committed errors, and these csn be demon- strated, we shall be willing to correct them ; if we have done injuries, we shall be willing, on convic- tion, to redress them ; and equal measures of jus- tice, we have a right to expect from France, and every other nation. The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at present suspended, the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country; nevertheless, there is reason to believe, that the Executive. Directory passed a decree on the second of March last, contravening in part, the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our law- ful commerce and endangering the lives of our ci- tizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you.

" While w^e are endeavoring to adjust all our dif- ferences with France by amicable negociation, the progress of the war in Europe, the deprediitions on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citi- zens, and the general complection of affairs, render it my indispensable duty, to recommend to your consideration, effectual measures of defence.

"The commerce of the United States has become

OF JOHN ADAMS. 6T

an interesting object of attention, whether we con- sider it in relation to the wealth and finances, or the strength and resources of the nation. With a sea coast of near two thousand miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their industry and enterprize to these objects ; any se- rious and permanent injury to commerce, would not fail to produce the most embarrassing disor- ders ; to prevent it from being undermined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive an ader» quate protection.

"The naval establishment must occur to every man who considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the insults offered to our citizens, and the description of the vessels by which these abuses have been practised -, as the sufferings of our mer- cantile and seafaring citizens cannot be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable, considering the neutral situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the hope of impunity arising from a supposed inability on our part, to afford protection

to resist the consequence of such impressions

on the minds of foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and servility which they must finally stamp on the American character, is an important duty of government.

"A naval power, next to the militia, is the na- tural defence of the United States. The experi- ence of the last war w^ould be sufficient to shew that a rxioderate naval force, such as \vould be ea-

68 THE ADMINISTRAIION

sily within the present abiUties of the Union, would have been sufficient to have baffled many formidable transportations of troops from one state to another, which were then practised... .our sea coasts, from their great extent, are more easily annoyed, and more easily defended by a naval force than any other ; with all the m.aterials our country abounds ; in skill, our naval architects and navigators are equal to any ; and commanders and seamen w^ill not be wanting.

'^ But, although the establishment of a perma- nent system of naval defence appears to be requi- site, I am sensible it cannot be formed so speedi- ly and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto, I have thought proper to prevent th« sailing of armed vessels, except on voyages to the East-Indies, where general usage, and danger from pirates, appeared to render the permxission proper; vet the restriction has ori2:inated solelv from a wish tG prevent collusions with the powers at war, con- travening the act of Congress of June, one thous- and seven hundred and ninety-four, and not from a- ry doubt entertained by me of the policy and pro- priety of permitting our vessels to employ means of defence, while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations, as will enable our sea-faring citi- zens to defend themselves a2:ainst violations of the law of nations, and at the same time restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the pow- ers at war. In addition to this voluntary provi-

OF JOHN ADAMS* 69

sion for defence, by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary, to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels of inferior force, to take under con- voy such merchant vessels as still remain un- armed.

"The greater part of the cruizers, whose de- predations have been most injurious, have been built, and some of them partially equipped in the United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject generally to your consideration. I^ a mode can be devised by the wisdom of Congress, to prevent the resources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented... .with the same view I think it proper to mention, that some ofour citizens resident abroad, have fitted out privateers, and others have volun- tarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniqui- tous practices can be restrained only by severe punishments.

" But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I think it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected In our most important ports. The distance of the United States from Eu- rope, and the well known promptitude, ardor and courage of the people in defence of their country, happily diminish the probability of invasion : ne- vertheless, to guard against sudden aud predatory

70 THE ADMINISTRATION

incursions, the situalicn cf some of our principal sea-ports demands your consideration ; and as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its commerce, you will seriously deliber- ate, whether the means of general defence ought not to be increased, by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for form- ing a provisional army.

" With the same view% and as a measure which even in time of universal peac--^ ought not to be ne. glected, I recommend to your consideriticn, a re- vision of the laws for organizing, arming and dis- ciplining the militia, to render that natural and safe defence of the country efficacious. Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political systemi of Europe, but to keep ourselves ahvays distinct and separate from it, if we can; yet to effect this separation, early, punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events, and of the pohtical projects in contemplation, is no less necessary than if we were directly concern- ed in them. ...it is necessary, in order to the dis- CO very of the efforts made to draw^ us into the vor- tex, in season to make preparation against them. However v/e may consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world w^ill consider the United States of America, as forming a weight m that balance of powder in Europe, w^hich never can be forgotten or neglected. ...it would not only be against our interest, but it w^ould be doing wrong to one half of Europe at least, if we should volun-

OF JOHN ADAMS. 71

tariiy throw ourselves into either scale. ...It is a na- tural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. ...at the same time that meas- ures might be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near expiring, might be renewed. " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives y " It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public finances, and to adopt such measures respecting them, as exigencies shall be found to require ; the preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary expence, v/ill, of course, call for your serious at- tention ; although the imposition of new burthens cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt; ihat the American people w^iil expect from you, such measures as their actual engage- ments, their present security, and future interest demand.

*^ Gentlemen of the Senate, and

" Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

^*The present situation of our country, imposes an obligation on all the departments of government, to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In my situation, an exposition of the principles by which my administration will be governed, ought not Xo be omitted.

" It is im.possible to conceal from ourselves or the world, what Iras been before observed, that endea*

72 THE ADMINISTRATION

vours liave been employed to foster and establish a division between the government and people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt, Is not necessary ; but to repel, by decided and united councils, insi- nuations so derogatory to the honor, and aggres- sions so dangerous to the constitution, union and even independence of the nation, is an indispensa- ble duty.

" It must not be permitted to be doubted, whe- ther the people of the United States will support the government established by their voluntary con- sent, and appointed by their free choice, or whe- ther, by surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic factions in opposition to their ov/n government, they will forfeit the honourable station they have hitherto maintained.

'^ For myself, having never been inf^ifferent to what concerned the interests of my country ; devo- ted the best part of my life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism, fidelity and perseverence of my fellow^ citizens on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which ray heart has been so long engaged.

" Convinced that the conduct of the govern- ment has been just and impartial to foreign nations, that those internal regulations, which have been established by law for the preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed^ nothing will ever be done by

OF JOHN ADAMS. 73

me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upcn principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or surrender in any man- ner, the rights of the government* To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened sup- port of the national legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow citizens.'*

The business which engaged both Houses of Congress, for the first fortnight of this session, was the preparing of an answer to Mr. Adams, for this gracious speech. Messrs. Venable, Treeman, Griswold, Kittera and Rutledge, were the commit- tee appointed by the House of Representatives for that purpose. The three latter were truly federal ; and the first report they gave in, was even too com- plaisant for many of the federal faction to suffer.

Mr. Nicholas, of Virginia, proposed an amend- ment, which tended to modify the approving pane- gyric contained in the answer. He said, that this was the most important crisis America had known since the Declaration of its Independence ; and it would depend much upon the answer returned to the President's speech, whether we were to witness a similar scene of havoc and distress, to that which was not yet forgotten. The situation in v^hich we stood with respect to France, in his opinion, called for the most judicious proceedings ; it was his wish, to heal the breach, which was already too great, by temperate, rather than widen it by irritating meas- ures.

K

*^4 TIIL ABMimSTRATlOK

He confessed, that he considered the answer JEi*-. ported to them, as going to decide the question of peace or war for this countr^....he thought it a thing of that sort which might have the worst pos- f.ibJe consequence, and could have no good effect ; it might tend to irritate;, to prevent any sort of in- quiry or settlement taking place, but could not serve towards an adjustment of differences. What, said Mr. Nicholas, can be expected, if Americans act upon this temper? Their declaration with re&pect to France, will probably reach that country before an envoy can be sent to endeavour to negociate a settlement of differences. ...v/hy endeavor to frighten them, when we are the weakest power ? He said, he did not mean to recomm.end humiliating measures ; he would pledge himself not to submit to insult with- out redress, nor was any man more unwilling to make mean or improper concessions than he ; but the language of moderation and justice he preferred to a boasting manner. If injury or error had been committed on the part of America, he wished it to be corrected. He considered it to be for the honor, credit and interest of America, that the committee should go into a fair and full examination of the address before them, and he hoped that examina- tion would take place.

Mr. Freeman, member for New-Hampshire, after several preliminary observations, declared, lie should vote for the amendment, as he saw nothing in it exceptionable. ...it did not con- tain^ he said, an unqualified approbation of the

OF JOHN ADAMS. •"i r

measures of the executive, nor any undignified ex- pressions. If the amendment' should not prevail, still the original report might be so amended, as to induce him, perhaps, to vote for it. He hoped a spirit of conciliation would obtain, and that unani- mity might prevail on the occasion.

Mr. Edvi^ard Livingston,* o^ New- York, in a speech of five hours, w^hich it would be impossible to abridge, supported the amendment.

Mr. Gallatin was of opinion the debate had been extended on so wide a field, that the object which, in his mind, occupi^ed the first place, was in some measure, deprived of the full consideration which timeandcircumstancesdemanded; he thought those arguments which concerned the conduct of foreign nations towards each other, might as well have been omitted altogether, on the present occasion. The members of the committee might be made sen- sible of the irritation of such discussions, but he be- lieved no one would pretend to say, he was fully in- formed of foreign concernson either side, to decide upon their policy or impolicy. At the same time, it should be considered, that the situation of Ame- rica, and the best policy to be pursued in her situa- tion, were the only proper objects of our immediate attention, and those alone upon which the House

* This gentleman is a descendant of a Scotch family, who emigrated to America the beginning of last century. His great grandfather was a John Livingston, a Presbyterian Clergyman, who madd a conspicuous figure during the reformation. Mr^. Livingston has lately been elected Mayor of New- York.

7& THE ADMINISTRATION

should pretend to be properly informed, or ta de- cide with effect.

The question before the house, he said, was the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Vir- ginia, (Mr. Nicholas) respecting which, we could not be too speedy in our decisions. The events on the other side of the Atlantic, were so rapid, as not to be within our reach or controul ; we even did not know the events which had already taken place. He w^ould not rely on the generosity of any nation in particular circumstances ; and there was no knowing the extent to which success might lead men, under a mistaken impression of injury. Ame« rica ought to lose no time. France had nearly overwhelmed all Europe by land. ...what she might do next, we did not know : w^hether she was just or unjust, we should at least not lose time in nego- ciation ; and we ought the more readily to do this,, because there was no man in America, of what party he might be, who would not resist, if resist- ance was required ; therefore, (he said) while the conflict remained doubtful, it became us to deter- mine on cur affairs; and as the amendment appear- ed to furnish the only grounds upon which negocia- tion was at all likely to be attended with the neces- sary effects of securing power and independence,, they ought to be preserved.

Several other amendments having been propo- sed and carried, the following address was at length agreed to, and presented to the President by the members of the House of Representatives, on th€ 3d

OF JOHN ADAMS. 77

of June, who all walked in procession for that pur- pose :

" To the Fj-esident of the United States. '' Sir,

*^The interesting details of those events which have rendered the convention of Congress, at this time indispensable, (communicated in your speech, to both Houses), has excited in us the strongest emotions. Whilst we regret the occasion, we can- not omit to testify our approbation of the measure, rnd to pledge ourselves, that no consideration of private inconvenience, shall prevent, on our part, a faithful discharge of the duties to which we are called.

" We have constantly hoped, that the nations of Europe, whilst desolated by foreign wars, or convulsed by intestine divisions, would have left the United States to enjoy that peace and tranquili- ty to which the impartial conduct of our govern- ment has entitled us ; and it is now with extreme regret, we find the measures of the French Repub- lic tending to endanger a situation so desirable and interesting to our country.

" Upon this occasion, we feel it our duty to ex- press, in the most explicit manner, the sensations which the present crisis has excited, and to assure you of our zealous co-operation in those measures which may appear necessary for our security or peace.

" Although it is the earnest wish of our hearts that peace may be maintained with the French Re-

T8 THE ADMINISTRATION

public, yet we never will surrender those rights which belong to us as a nation ; and whilst we view with satisfaction, the wisdorp,. dignity and moderation which have marked the measures of the supreme Executive of our country, in its at- tempts to remove, by candid explanations, the complaints and jealousies of France, we feel the full force of that indignity which has been offered our country in the rejection of its minister. No attempts to v/ound our rights as a Sovereign State will escape the notice of our constituents. ...they will be felt with indignation, and repelled with that decision which shall convince the world that we are not a degraded people, that we can never submit to the demands of a foreign power, without examination and without discussion.

*' Knowing, as we do, the confidence reposed by the people of the United States in their govern- ment, we cannot hesitate in expressing our indig- nation at any .sentiments tending to derogate from that confidence. ...such sentimentSj wherever en- tertained, serve to evince an imperfect knowledge of the opinions of our constituents.

^' Sensibly as we feel the wound which has been inflicted by transactions disclosed in your com- munication, yet we think with you, that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States forbid the repetition of advances for preserving peace.

"We therefore receive, with the utmost satis- faction, your information that a fresh attempt at negociation will be instituted, and we cherish the

OF JOHN ADAM5. V<)

hope, that a mutual spirit of conciliation, and a disposition on the part of France, to compensate for any injuries which may have been committed on our neutral rights, and on the part of the United States, to place France on grounds similar to those of other countries, in their relation and connection with us, if any inequalities shall be found to exist, will produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements, rights, interest and honor of the United States.

"Fully, however, impressed with the uncer- tainty of the result, v/e shall prepare to meet with fortitude, any unfavorable events which may oc- cur, and to extricate ourselves from their conse- quences, with all the skill we possess, and with all the efforts in our power. Believing with you, that the conduct of the government has been just and impartial to foreign nations, that the laws for the preservation of peace have been proper, and that they have been fairly executed, the representatives of the people do not hesitate to declare, that they will give their most cordial support to the execu- tion of principles so deliberately and uprightly es- tablished,

" The many interesting subjects which you have recommended to our consideration, and which are so strongly enforced by this momentous occa- sion, will receive every attention which their im- portance demands ; and, w^e trust, that by the de- cided and explicit conduct which will govern our deliberation, every insinuation will be repelled

80 THE ADMINISTRATION

which is derogatory to the honor and independence of our country.

^* Permit us, in offering this address, to express our satisfaction at your promotion to the first office in the government, and our entire confidence that the pre-eminent talents and patriotism which have placed you in this distinguished situation, will ena- ble you to discharge its various duties with satis- faction to yourself, and advantage to our common country."

The House having returned, went into a com- mittee of the whole on the state of the union. The following propositions were brought forv/ard and their consideration occupied the attention of the House the greatest part of the session:

1st. That provision should be made for fortify- ing the ports and harbours of the United States. The sum of 75,OOOdollars was voted for this pur- pose.

2d. That provision be made by law for com- pleting and manning the frigates United States, Constitution and Constellation.

3d. That provision be made by law for pro- curing by purchase, a further naval force, to consist of three frigates and six sloops of war.

4th. That provision be made by law for em- powering the President to employ the naval force of the United States, as convoys, to protect the trade thereof.

5th. That provision be made for regulating the arxning of merchant vessels of the United States

Vt JOHii ADAPTS. 61

6th. That the military establishment should be augmented by one regiment, a corps of artil- lerists and engineers, and several companies of dra* goons.

7th. That provision be made for empowering the President to raise a provisional army, to consist of a certain number of regiments of infantry, one regiment of artillery and one regiment of dragoons.

8th. That provision be made for authorising the President to borrow money, for the defence and security of the United States.

9th. That a revenue be raised, adequate to the reimbHrsement of such sums as the President may borrov/.

10th. That the exportation of arms, ammunition and military stores, be prevented for a limited time. On the 12th of June, the President of the United States sent a message to the House of Represent- atives, acquainting them, that he had received in- formation from the commissioners appointed on the part of the United States, pursuant to the third ar- ticle of our treaty with Spain, that the running and marking of the boundary line between the colonies of East and West Florida, and the territory of the United States, had been delayed by the officers of his Catholic Majesty ; and that they had declared their intention to maintain his jurisdiction, and to suspend the withdrawing of his troops from the mi- litary posts they occupied within the territory of the United States, until the two governments should, by negociation, settle the meaning of the second ar •

'^^ THE ADMINISTRATION

tide, respecting the withdrawing of the troops, gar- risons or settlements of either party, in the terri- tory of the other ; that is, whether, when the Spa- nish garrisons withdrew, they were to leave the works standing or to demolish them -, and until, by an additional article to the treaty, the real property of the inhabitants should be secured ; and likewise, until the Spanish officers were sure the Indians would be pacific.

The President mentioned, that in order to re- move the first difficulty, he had resolved to leave the matter to the discretion of the officers of his Catholic Majesty ; and as to the second, he would cause an assurance to be published, that the settlers or occupants of the land in question, should not be disturbed in their possessions by the troops of the United States, but on the contrary, that they should be protected in all their lawful claims. He also recommended to the consideration of the house, the expediency of creating a government in the midst of the Natches, similar to that established for the territory North West of the river Ohio, but with certain modifications, relative to titles in claims of land, whether of individuals or companies, or to claims of jurisdiction of any individual state.

Towards the close of the session, the attention of Congress was drawn to one of the most singular conspiracies that had hitherto been attempted in the United States, viz. a plan laid by William Blount, a Senator, from the State of Tennessee, and Mr. Liston, the English minister, for the British to

OF JOHN ADAMS. 85

invade the Spanish territory from Canada, aided by men enlisted within the United States, and by the Indians. This mysterious affair was first brought to light by the following letter from Blount, to a per- son of the name of Carey, an Indian interpreter :

" Colonel King's Iron Works, April 21, 1797. " Dear Carey,.

'^ I wished to have seen you before I returned to Philadelphia ; but I am obliged to return to the session of Congress, which commences on the 15th of May.,

"Among other things I wished to have seen you about, was the business of Captain Chesholm men- tioned to the British minister last winter at Phila- delphia.

"I believe, but am not quite sure, that the plan then talked of, will be attempted this fall, and if it is attempted, it will be in a much larger way than then talked of ^ and if the Indians act their part, I have no doubt but it will succeed. A man of consequence has gone to England about the busi- ness, and if he makes arrangements as he expects^ I shall have a hand in the business, and probably shall be at the head of the business, on the part of the British. You are, however, to understand, that it is not yet quite certain that the plan will be attempted ; you will do well to keep things in a proper train of action, in case it should be at- tempted, and to do so will require all your manage- ment....! say all your management, because you muat take care in whatever you say to Rogers, or

84 THE ADMlNISTRATIOif

any body else, not to let the plan be discovered by^ Hawkins, Dinsraore, Byers, or any other person in the interest of the States of Spain.

" If I attempt this plan^ I shall expect to have you, and all my Indian country and all my Indian friends with me ; but you are now in good busi- ness, I hope, and you are not to risk the loss of it, by saying any thing that will hurt you, until you hear from me. Where Captain Chesholm is I do not know : I left him at Philadelphia in Marclv and he frequently visited the minister, and spoke upon the subject ; but I believe he will go into the Creek nation by way of Carolina or Georgia... .he gave out that he was going to England, but I did not believe him. Among other things that you may safe- ly do, will be to keep my consequence with Watts, and the Creeks and Cherokees generally, and you must by no means say any thing in favour of Haw- kins, but as often as you can, with safety to your- self, you may teach the Creeks to believe that he is no better than he should be ; any power or con- sequence he gets, will be against our plan. Per- haps Rogers, w^ho has no office to lose, is the best man to give out talks against Hawkins. Read the letter to Rogers ; if you think it best to send it ta him, put a wafer in it, and forward it to him by a safe hand, or perhaps you had best send to him to come to you, and speak to him yourself, respecting the state and prospect of things,

"I have advised you in whatever you da, to take care of yourself....! have now to tell you to

OF JOHN ADAMS* S5

take care of me too, for a discovery of the plan would prevent the success, and much injure all par- ties concerned ; it may be, that the commissioners may not run the line, as the Indians may expect or wish, and in that case the Indians may be taught to blame me for making the treaty.

"To such complaints against me, if such there are, it may be said by my friends, at proper times and places, that Doublehead confirmed the treaty with the President, at Philadelphia, and receives as much as 50CX) dollars a year, to be paid to the nation, over and above the first price : Indeed, it may with truth be said, that though I made the treaty, I made it by the instructions of the Presi- dent ; and, in fact, it may with truth be said, that I was by the President instructed to purchase much more land than the Indians would agree to sell.

" This sort of talk will be throwing all the blame off me, upon the President ; and as he is now out of office, it will be of no consequence how much the Indians blame him. And among other things that may be said for me is, that I was not at the running of the line, and that if I had been, it would have been run more to their satisfaction. In short, you understand the subject, and must take care to give out the proper talks, to keep up my consequence v/ith the Creeks and Cherokees. Can*t Rogers contrive to get the Creeks to desire the President to take Hawkins out of the nation ? for if he stays in the Creek nation, and gets the good will of the nation, he can and will do great

86 THE ADMINISTRATIOIT

injury to our plans. When you have read this let- ter over three times, then burn it. I shall be at Knoxville in July or August, when I v^ill send for Watts and give him the whiskey I promised him. " WILLIAM BLOUNT."

After the above letter came into the hands of the President, application was made to the British minister, for information on the subject... .he at first professed entire ignorance of the affair, but at length acknowledged that application was made tO' him by several persons six months before, on this business ; that he had laid their plan before his gov- ernment, but that it had declined having any thing to do with the business. He, however, refused to give up the names of the persons concerned. Mr. Blount attended in his place in the Senate, on the 6th of July, in consequence of an order from that House, and after a motion to inform the Pre- sident and House of Representatives of the circum- stance, he rose and read from a paper his senti- ments on the subject of his letter. He said, that understanding an impeachment was to be brought against him, for the part he was supposed to have taken in the contrivance of the British, to invade the Spanish territory through the United States, he was determined to be silent in the present stage of the business, not doubting but in the end, his cha- racter would come out pure, and defeat the malice of his enemies.

Mr. Ross brought up the report from the com- mittee which had been appointed to investigate

OF JOHN ADAMS. 87

into this conspiracy ; and, after recapitulating the points of the letter, stated, that the criminality went beyond the personal conduct of the member, as Sen- ator ', that it appeared that Carey was an agent in the pay of the United States, stationed within the Che^ Tokee nation ; that Hawkins was the superintendant of Indian affairs in behalf of the United States, ^nd^ the others, severally, in similar situations ; that the ;ittempt to dissuade them from their duty, and the expression, that the proceedings should be kept hidden from the United States and Spain, evident- ly bespoke purposes not consistent with the peace of America. He concluded, that it was the opin- ion of the committee, that William Blount should be expelled from his seat in the Senate, and that he was guilty of an high misdemeanor.

Mr. Blount requested the privilege of counsel, which, after a long debate, was granted. ...lie pro- posed three who were unanimously rejected.... Messrs. Dallas and Ingersoll were at length chosen. On July the 7th, the Senate w^as engaged in dis- cussing the resolution for his expulsion. The counsel on Blount's behalf, contended, that as a motion for impeachment was pending, or past, in the House, the Senate, who were to sit as Judges to decide it, ought not to prejudge the question.

Mr. Sitgreaves, in the name of the House of Representatives, and of the people of the United States, said, that he impeached Mr. Blount of high crimes and misdemeanors, and, in due time, would exhibit particular articles against him. Fur-

83 tHE ADMINISTRATION

ther, that the House demanded, the Senate should take an order for the appearance of Mr. Blount, to answer to the said hnpeachment.

After a considerable debate on this motion, Mr. Blount entered into recognizance for his appear* ance, in the sum of 20,000 dollars. ...Pierce Butler and Thomas Blount, esquires, were accepted as his sur^ies.

On July the Stli, the motion was proposed in the Senate for expelling Mr. Blount, Messrs. Dal* las and Ino^ersoll took their seats at the Bar of the House, as his counsel. Mr. Dallas commenced his defence in a very able address, which occupied more than three hours. ...Mr. Ingersoll followed him in a speech of nearly two hours. These gentlemen had recourse to every precedent which could be producedfrom history,andto every argument which ability and ingenuity could suggest. They par- ticularly relied on the ground, that the punishment of an offender, should, in no case, precede his trial, and that to expel Mr. Blount from his seat then, would be to do what could only be done, provided he was found guilty on the impeachment preferred, which, however, they denied the House of Representatives to prefer.

The defence being finished, Mr. Ross rose, and, in ^ very luminous speech, examined all the arguments which had been adduced by the counsel, in order to shew their w^ant of solidity. He justi- fied the expulsion of Mr. Blount from his seat, on the evidence which they had of his unworthiness

OF JOHN ADAMS, S9

to fill it, and appealed very forcibly to the feelings of the House as to the nature of the crime of which he stood charged, and as to what might have been :he consequence, had his plans been carried into effect.

After some of the other members had delivered their opinions on the subject, Mr. Bloodworth moved to postpone the decision till Monday. ...the yeas and nays were taken upon the question, and it was negatived 19 to 7. The question was then put on the expulsion, and carried by yeas and nays, 26 to 1 ; the negative vote was Mr. Tazewell's.

After this decision had taken place, Mr. Blount's bail delivered him up, and he was taken into the custody of the Messenger of the House.

Mr. Blount was then held for his appearance, in a recognizance of one thousand dollars in himself. and 500 each in two sureties. Both Houses after- wards adjourned until the 2d Monday in November.

The following are the titles of the acts passed during this session of Congress,

1. An act for prohibiting, for a limited time, the exportation of arms and ammunition, and for encouraging the importation thereof.

2. An act to prevent citizens of the United States from privateering against nations in am.ity with the United States.

3. An act to provide for the further defence of the ports and harbours of the United States.

4. An act authorizing a detachment of the mi- litia of the United States.

M /

'^O THE ADMINISTRATION

5. An act, in addition to an act, intitled, "an net concerning the registering and recording ships and vessels."

6. An act directing the appointment of agents in relation to the 6th article of the British treaty.

7. An act providing a naval armament.

8. An act to ascertain the time for the next meeting of Congress.

Titles of Bills postponed till the next Session.

1. To prevent the arming of private ships, ex- cept in certain cases, and under certain regula- tions....rejected in the House of Representatives.

2. For raising and organizing an additional corps of artillerists and engineers. ...rejected in the House of Representatives.

3. To prevent citizens of the United States from entering into the military or naval service of any foreign Prince or State... .postponed in the House of Representatives.

4. To enable the President of the United States, under certain restrictions, to raise a provisional ar- my....rejected in the Senate, vv^here it originjt^.d.

5. To authorize the President of the Uiiited States to lay, regulate and revoke embargoes. ...re- jected in the Senate, where it originated.

6. To suspend, in part, the operation ofanact^ intitled, " an act for raising a further sum by ad- ditional duties on certain articles imported, and for other purposes", ...rejected in the House of Repre- sentatives.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 911

7. For arming, organizing and disciplining the miliitia of the United States. .«. postponed in the House of Representatives,

Titles of Bills brought in, and not decided upon.

1. A bill laying duties on licences for selhng foreign wines, and foreign distilled spirituous li- quors bv retail. ...passed in the House of Represent- atives.

2. A bill to continue in force^Jor a limited time, the act and parts of acts therein mentioned.. ..pas- sed in the House of Representatives.

3. A bill to authorize the President of the Uni- ted States, during t?ie recess of the Congress, to pro- vide gallies and other vessels, for certain purposes therein mentioned..

4. A bill making additional appropriations foi? the support of government for the year 1797.

5. A bill authorizing a loan of money.

6. A bill laying duties on stamped vellum., parchment and paper.

7. A bill providing for: the more effectual coir lection of certain internal- revenues of the United States.

8. A bill respecting Consuls and. Vice-Consuls.

9. A bill allovi^ing an additional, mileage to the members of both Houses.

10. A bill for laying an additional tax on salt imported.

SZ THE ADMINISTRATION

CHAPTER IV.

Remarks on ihe meeting of Congress, ..Jlistory of the Algerine Treaty.,., Blount's Conspiraci/ hives- ii gated. . . . British Piracy.

The convention of Congress at this period, appeared to impartial men of every party, as one of the most extraordinary occurrences in the infant history of the American Republic.

When the treachery of Great Britain hurled up- on us the fury of the Barbary powers, and, by bribe- ry and corruption, stimulated the peacefullndians to hostilities.. ..when English pirates plundered our vessels, insulted our flag and impressed our sea- men, a war with Britain was cried down by the trumpet of federal proclamation. In place of Con- gress being summoned to listen to the thundering accents of a v^ ar-speech , a messenger was dispatch- ed to the Court of Britain, robed with dignity^ and armed with the powder of forming an alliance, at the remembrance of which posterity will blush, and the virtues of Washington will sink into con- tempt.

The administration of France view^ed with jus- tice the duplicity of our proceedings, but with their usual magnanimity, they overlooked it for a considerable time. Finding themselves, however^ despised in the esteem of our men of power, and deserted by the Executive, they remonstrated in

OF JOHN ADAMS. 93

the mildest and most pacific terms against our usage and our ingratitude. When no satisfactory ex- planation was deigned to be given, they suspended the functions of their minister, and refused to receive one from us, unless some negociation was entered upon. In short, they considered the cold indiffer- ence of our executive, and the acquiescence ci our merchants to its measures, as just grounds for this proceeding, and a fit retaliation for the sh.mie- ful conduct of the United States.

It is not my intention to justify France entirely in her depredations on our commerce ; but if Ad- ams and his party could defend the British scheme of adjudication, upon the grounds that the rum of France was her main object, the candor of Re- publicans ought to justify France upon a more hbe- ral basis. The object of the French Directory ex- tended no further than to injure the commerce of a power which aimed at the destruction of liberty, and which endeavored to monopolize the produce of the w^orld. But the utmost excesses of France, never could be compared with the most trivial de- predations of our English alHes. American pro- perty was never confiscated, unless detected in an illicit trade.. ..our seamen were never impressed, much less flogged to death. ...the dungeons of des- potism were never exposed to our patriots ; nor was there ?n instance of an American citizen, as Jonathan Robbins, being demanded to die by the hands of a foreign executioner.

9'4 THE ADMINISTRATION-

Mr. Adams, in his speech, spoke about foreign and domestic factions. ...upon this, a writer in the Argus observed, " that as there was but one foreign and one domestic faction in the United States, it was wondrous strange that Mr. Adams should have held the monsters up to day." " The British fac- tion," says this writer, *^was the only foreign fac- tion, and the tory faction the only domestic faction America was cursed with." These factions admir- ed John Adams because John Adams admired the British Constitution, and cursed the French Re- public. They bestowed unbounded panegyrics upon Alexander Hamilton, because this gentleman acted the part of prime minister to the President. They thought the administration and the govern- ment ought to be confounded and identified ; that the administration was the government, and the government the administration ; and, that the peo- ple ought to bow in tame submission to its whim and caprice.

ISir. Adams says in his speech, that " it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minister of the United States, on his taking leave of the Executive Directory," because, in his opinion, it was marked with indignities to- wards the government of the United States, and evinced a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the government ; *' that such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial

OF JOHN ADAMS. 95

spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character and inte- rest."

This sentiment of Mr. Adams was soon re- echoed, both in Church and Senate, by his courtiers and sycophants. Nothing was heard of but in- trigues between the people of the United States and France. A Senator of Congress declared in conven- tion, that he should be for making a law to banish every citizen of America that educated his children in the study of the French language. ...the author of the Serious Considerations on the election of Pre- sident, laboured for several Sundays together, en- deavouring to persuade his audience that the genius of Frenchmen was deceit, and that eVery principle which savoured of French manners, was dangerous to the peace of society. In short, no stone was left unturned by the partizans of Mr. Adams, and the federal preachers of the gospel, to embroil the people of the United States in a war with the French Republic. To effect this purpose, it has been proved, that agents of Britain clandestinely purchased American vessels, introduced them into French ports, and then sent them on buccaneering cruizes under French colours, against the Ameri- can trade.

What were the motives which dictated this policy to Mr. Adams and tlie federal party } Whe- ther love for monarchy or a regard for the inde- pendence of America, I shall not attempt to d.ecide ;

96 THE ADMIMI^TRAl I0>?

but will observe, that it was not only injudicious and short-sighted, but the most pernicious system that could be pursued by the first magistrate of a republican government.

I shall not leave it to the partizans of Mr. Adams to argue, that France had no ri-rht to impose laws upon America ; this every candid enquirer will admit. Nor have the people of the United States any right to prescribe laws for France. Each nation is certainly thus far independent of each other ; bu: while Adams, Pickering and Jay, felt so strong a propensity to form treaties with foreign nations, and while our representatives proclaimed those treaties to be the supreme law of the land a breach of trea- ty must be a violation of the laws of that land, with whom such treaties are made ; but the breach was not so wide, as to justify the most distant appre- hensions of a war with France. Those who im- posed such ideas, were political impostors, who only aimed at amassing power and wealth upon the ruins of the people. The observations made by Mr. Monroe, on this subject, deserve to be im- pressed on the heart of every American; nor can I do better than repeat them here. " The contrast, (says that elegant writer) between the situation we might have h^^ld through the whole of this war, and that which we have held, is a striking one. We might have stood well with France, avoiding all theloses we have sustained from her, enjoying the benefit o; the principles of free trade, and even appeared as an advocate for those principles, and

OF JOHN ADAMS. 97

without going to any extremity ; we might have preserved our ancient renown, bought at a great expence of blood and treasure, in a long war, in a contest for liberty, and even appeared as a de- fender of liberty, and vi^ithout fighting for her ; we might too, in my opinion, have commanded a bet- ter fortune in our negociation with Britain, and only bj availing ourselves, in a suitable manner, of the fortunes of France; and, instead of a situ- ation so advantageous, so honorable, so satisfac- tory to our country, what is that into which our government has conducted us? our navigation de- stroyed, commerce laid waste, and a general bank- ruptcy threatening those engaged in it ; the friend- ship of a nation lost, the most powerful on earth, who had deserved better things from us, and had offered to place us, our vessels and commodi- ties, on tiie footing of its native citizens, in all its dominions ; war hanging over uS, and that not on the side of liberty and the just affections of our people, but of monarchy and our late most deadly foe ; and we are made fast by treaty, and by the spi- rit of those at the helm, to a nation bankrupt in its resources, and rapidly verging either to anarchy or despotism. Nor is this all : Our national honor is in the dust; we have been kicked, cuffed and plundered all over the ocean ; our reputation for faith scouted ; our government and people brand- ed as cowards, incapable of being provoked to re- sist, and ready to receive again those chains we had taught others to burst. Long will it be before

N

9t5 TR£ ADMINISTRATION

Ave shall be able to forget what we are, nor will centuries suffice to raise us to the high ground from which we have fallen."

One of the most extraordinary acts which was committed by Washington, and approved of by the administration of Adams, was the Algerine treaty. This treaty was subscribed by the Dey and by Mr. Donaldson, upon the 5th of Sepiember, 1795. The Dey promised to observe it for an an- nual consideration of twelve thousand sequins, in maritime stores from the United States. A sequin is worth a dollar and about ninety-seven cents ; of course, twenty-four thousand dollars could pur- chase maritime stores to the worth of twelve thou- sand sequins. On May the 6th, 1796, twenty- four thousand dollars per annum were pledged and appropriated for payment of the annuity. ...but it was immediately found out, that, by the estimate of the prices fixed between Donaldson and the Dey, the stores would cost three times as much in Philadelphia as they were reckoned at in Algiers. For instance, Donaldson promised to furnish pow- der at half a dollar per pound, at the very time that article sold in Philadelphia for three half dol- lars per pound ; thus, by the gross ignorance of our envoy, the tribute was trebled.

The price of masts furnishes another instance of a similar nature. Donaldson estimated them at three hundred dollars each -, but there is good rea- son to suppose that they could not be conveyed to Algiers, for a total charge of less. than twelve or

OF JOHN ADAMS. 9Sft

thirteen hundred dollars ; some of them that had. been cut within a few miles of the lake Otsego, in the State of New-York, cost one hundred pounds per stick, for transportation from the place of their growth to the lake ; from thence they were to be floated down the Susquehannah, which rises from that body of water. In May, 1797, a number of these masts had come down as far as Wright's ferry, in Pennsylvania. ...several had stuck upon the rocks. About Christmas, 1797, others were sold at the same ferry for twenty dollars, and then sawed down into planks. Judge Cooper was the contractor for these masts ; he got one or two of them transported by land to Philadelphia ; there he offered to the per* son who carried them down, eighty dollars for the carriage, but to his astonishment, was informed, that twice that sum would be necessary. The masts themselves, were a most beautiful specimen of the vegetation of an American forest ; they were from ninety to an hundred feet in length, from three to four feet in diameter, without a single limb in the whole piece.

Before the Senate and the President had ratified such a treaty, prudence at least should have sug- gested to them, the propriety of inquiring into the price of the different articles they had engaged to furnish. Their doorkeepers might have informed them of the price of gun powder, and certainly a carpenter might be found, whose knowledge in the price of timber, would have given a guess for the charge of masts. This, however, is only a specimen

583488

100 THE ADMINISTRATION

of federal negligence, and of that unnecessary ex- pence, which prevailed in every transaction that took place during the period of the late administra- tion.

The consequence v^as, that the twenty-four thou- sand dollars per annum could not purchase the ma- ritime stores ; of course. Congress found themselves reduced to the ridiculous necessity of passing a se- cond act of appropriation. It was dated March Sd, 1797, and the second clause is in these words, " and be it farther enacted, that a further sum, not exceeding ninety-six thousand two hundred and forty-six dollars and sixty-three cents, be, and the same is hereby appropriated, for discharging the two first years' annuity to the Dey and Regency of Algiers, pursuant to treaty, in addition to the sum appropriated for that purpose, by the act of the 6th of May, 1796.**

Thus, an additional tribute of fifty thousand dollars per annum, was saddled upon this country by the incapacity of our envoy, and the negligence of our Senate,

But the most scandalous part of this most shameful treaty is yet to be told. The first clause of the law just quoted, authorizes the President " to apply a sum not exceeding two hundred and eighty thousand, two hundred and fifty-nine dollars, and three cents, to the expences which may have been incurred in any negociations with the Dey and Regency of Algiers, beyond the sums here- tofore appropriated.'*

OF JOHN ADAMS* 101

The law contains not a single word of explana- tion, how this money should be applied ; this was left to the discretion of Washington ; and this gen- eral, who appears, in the latter end of his adminis- tration, to have had no will of his own, by the ad- vice of Mr. Adams, built a frigate for the tyrant of Algiers, to harrass our trade whenever the tribute should not be refrularly remitted.

This frigate, which was called the Crescent, was finished even before it was deemed rece.oary t3 consult Congress. In the American annual r^-gis- ter for 1796, Mr. Callender takes noiice that it was then upon the stocks, and the law wiiich as- signed the money to pay for it, was not passed for six weeks after the publication of the book. It is impossible that there could be a more glaring breach of the Constitution than this here specified. By that instrument, of which the President swore to the observation, he is expressly prohibited from touching one farthing of the public money, unless for purposes pointed out beforehand by Congress. To demonstrate the President's imprudence, it is only requisite to read the clause last quoted. The very fractions, in the sum of the appropriations for the treble tribute, and for the Crescent, evidently shew, that every cent, of the money had been ex- pended before Congress had been consulted^ be- cause the legislature would not have stopt at three cents, unless it had been to meet some particular account.

!C2 THE ADMINISTRATION

How much of these two hundred and eighty thousand dollars went for the frigate, I cannot spe- cify. The Aurora of March 30, 1797, has a long article upon this tribute ; the writer says, that the Crescent cost ninety-nine thousand, seven hundred and twenty-seven dollars.

Another remarkable circumstance in this treaty- is, that it does not say from what date the first year of payment was to commence, nor at what periods the stores were to be delivered. Besides the seven- ty-two thousand dollars per annum, and the two hundred and eighty thousand dollars of penalty, the Dey has received from the United States, an- other, and a very considerable disbursement, in con- sequence of Donaldson's treaty. A large sum of money was to be paid down to him, and it was the delay of making this payment, that produced the building of the Crescent. On the face of the treat j there appears no mention of such a sum. Mr. Callender, who treats this business to its very foun- dation, says, government was utterly ashamed of it, and did not wish the story to be staring in the statute book. He gives the following particulars as far as they can be traced :

" On March 20, 1794, a law was passed, authori- zing the President to borrow one million of dollars, at an interest not exceeding five percent, *^to be applied to such public purposes as are authorized by law." The bank of the United States is, by the same act, authorized to lend the money to the Pre- sident.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 103

*' This act bears, in its very blush, the signals of hypocrisy. Is is well known that no money can be borrowed at five per cent, and much less a mil- lion of dollars. But Congress knew that they were going to do something which was a little worse than ordinary, and this blind v/as held out with a view to divert the attention of their constituents from the real fact, and to excite admiration, to be sure, at their wonderful oeconomy.

" The wording of this act is curious in another respect, in as much as it does not tell what was going to be done with the cash. ...eight hundred thousand dollars of it were to be employed in this infernal neg^ociation with the Dey of Algiers. ...the other two hundred thousand dollars went for other expences of intercourse with foreign nations. On February 15, 1797, Mr. Wolcott gave a statement to Congress, of what was become of these two hundred thousand dollars. ...this document fills eighteen pages. ...it is extremely interesting; but we must at this time attend the eight hundred thousand dollars, in their perilous pilgrimage from Philadelphia to Algiers.

'^ What follows has been partly copied from the Aurora of March 30th, 1797, and it must be ob- served, that although government has an host of writers in constant employment, this narrative was never contradicted. Indeed, the principal features of it are incontestibly true ; and, from the most re- spectable private information, I am satisfied of the strict accuracy of all the circumstances which are now to be related :

104 THE ADMINISTRATION

^^ These eight hundred thousand dollars were to be borrowed from the bank, which had no hard money to itself. But this company holds a great mass of national stock, and agreed to lend it to government at par... .in other words, the bank held the bill of , government for twenty shillings; but this bill would not sell in the market for more than seventeen shillings, or thereabouts. Government consented, however, to accept of it back again, as worth twenty shillings, and to give a second obligation for the million of dollars. This aukward practice of taking its own bills, and then going to market to sell them, is not, perhaps, quite intelli- gible to every reader. Government having now got hold of its own bills, the object was to raise money upon them. ...the bills might have been sold in Ame- rica, but so great a quantity of them coming into the market at one time, would have reduced the price of stock, and several members of government are stockholders. The bills of government were, therefore, sent to London, and sold there at a lower price than what they would have. sold for in the United States.

Dob. Cis. The sum borrowed from the bank was 800,000 The Aurora says that the government bills, that is, the national stock receiv- ed from the bank, sold in London for only 685,572 22

Loss by the sale 114,427 78

OF JOHN ADAMS. 105

*' Sir Francis Baring, the banker in London, had, in the mean time, agreed to advance seven hun- dred and two thousand, seven hundred and fifty- eight dollars, on account of this affair. In No- vember, 1794, an attempt wzs made to get the money from England ; but a proclamaiion had about that time been issued at London, prohibit- ing the exportation of bullion.. ..this made it im- possible to send the remittance in that shape. After a lapse of eight months, drafts were obtained upon Leghorn, Hamburgh and Lisbon. ...at this junc- ture the French took Leghorn, but Buonaparte did not interrupt the transaction. By the course of exchange, however, thirty-seven thousand seven hundred and fifty-eight dollars were lost. ...the sura was thus reduced from seven hundred and two thousand and odd dollars, to six hundred and sixty- five thousand. Ihe Aurora says, that this last sum, in its remittance to Algiers, was again redu- ced to six hundred and forty-two thousand five hundred dollars. We shall now add together these three successive sums of loss which those eight hun- dred thousand dollars sustained.

Vols. Cts,

1 . The national paper was sold in

London with a loss of 1 14,427 78

2. By the disadvantage of exchange

in the drafts upon Leghorn, 37,758 81

3. Expence of conveyance to Algiers, 22,500

174,686 S9

■ m O

^06 THE ADMINISTRATION

JDols, Cts.

But there is another item of expence ; before the American public stock was sold, Sir F. Baring had promised to send to the Continent 702,758 51

The paper sold for only 685,572 22

Difference, 17,186 29 It would be necessary for the gov- ernment of America to make up the difference to their agents in London.... add this to the former losses, 174,686 59

Total loss by the remittance, 191,872 88 Besides these one hundred and nine- ty-two thousand dollars of direct loss, the money wandered for more than twelve months upon its way.... at six per cent, upon eight hundred thousand dollars, this interest comes to forty- eight thousand, and we cannot offer less than twelve thousand to the bank- ers in London for their trouble. , The former statement of loss was 191,872 88

Interest of the eight hundred thou- sand dollars for one year, and subjoin- ing for agency to Baring, 60,000

Total 258,872 88

OF JOHN ADAMS. 107

^^ The conclusion of the whole matter is this ; Congress transmitted to Algiers, six hundred and forty-two thousand, five hundred dollars.

" The additional expence of sending this mo- ney, cost two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, or thereabouts/'

Mr. Callender proceeds to remark, that if Mr. Washington had chosen to go into the market, and buy these eight hundred thousand dollars worth of stock from the common holders, a considerable sum would have been saved to the public. For in- stance, says he, if stock was at eighteen shillings per pound, this makes an odds of one tenth part ; at that rate, his nominal eight hundred thousand pounds worth of it, could have been bought in for seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars of hard cash, if he had been master of that much money.... in this way Mr. Pitt bought in some part of the national debt of England. But as the federal gov- ernment could not take this method, it was neces- sary to go to the bank of the United States, and there to borrov/, not money, but depreciated paper. The paper was sold in England, at the ruinous dis- count of one hundred and fourteen thousand, four hundred and twenty-seven dollars. Thus govern- ment granted its obligation to the bank for eight hundred thousand dollars, and could be obliged by the bank to refund every farthing of the sum, while it received in return, depreciated paper ; which it was obliged to sell again for less than se-

108 THE ADMINISTRATION

ven hundred thousand dollars. The result was, that the bank did, in effect, receive upon the trans- action, a premium of about one hundred thousand dollars, more or less. The bank had only to go into the market, and buy, at about seventeen shillings- and six pence per pound, as much paper as Mr. Washington wanted, and for which he gave an ob- ligation at par, that is, at its full nominal value, of twenty shillings per pound.

From the whole history of the Algerine tribute, it is obvious, that our executive had no grounds to be so angry, even if the French did ask for a present in money, which, most probably, never was the case. To the Alg^erines we never were in the smallest degree indebted more than we have been to England; on the contrary, we have suffered from both nations ; even in time of peace, our citizens have been impressed by the one, and enslaved by the other....our commerce has been trampled upon by both, and our laws spurned with contempt. An American Republican is as much despised in Bri- tain as in Algiers, and regarded with the same insignificance as an African in the United States. A dereliction of his principles can only insure his person protection in London or Edinburgh. In the year 1794, thirty students from Virginia were nearly massacred, in the theatre of the latter metropohs, from their ignorance that it was the practice to give the same homage to the tune of God save the King, as the Christian pays to his Creator.... yet this is the nation in whose alliance Mr. Adams

OF JOHN ADAMS. 109

<5-loned, whose administration he adored, and the government of which he held up to his country as a model of perfection. In speaking disrespect- fully of Great Britain, I hope it will not be sup- posed I attempt to stigm^.tize the people of that kingdom.... the king, the nobles, the army and the priests, must be separated from the people. The individuals there, who are not connected with go- vernment, entertain principles equally liberal with Frenchmen or Americans, and the superior advan- tage of education which they enjoy, gives a ra- tional firmness to the mind, which the mass of Americans is still unacquainted with.

The secret connection which subsisted between Mr. Adams and the government of Great Britain, is no where more conspicuous than in the myste- rious conspiracy of Senator Blount. In the history of modern intrigue, it is impossible to find a paral- lel to this : An English ambassador is proved, by his owrx confession, to have held a secret and il- legal correspondence with members of the Senate ,...yet this ambassador is not only suflfered by the President to exercise the usual functions of his of- fice, but to conceal the names of those Americans who were to be his accomplices in the destruction of our country. A greater degree of friendship and intimacy even manifested itself between Mr. Adams and Mr. Liston after the discovery of this afi'air than before ; their interviews were more frequent, and the dry formality of a courtly audience was exchanged for the familiar ceremony of domestic

110 THE ADMINISTRATION

acquaintance. Nothing was more common than for the President of the United States and the am- bassador of Great Britain, to be seen arm and arm in the streets of Philadelphia, discussing the poH- tics of the day, and contrasting the shrewd observa- tions of Mr. Cobbett, (as they were pleased to term them) with the scurrilous abuse of Mr. Duane.*

If we draw our attention a moment to the pre« parations which were carrying on in Britain, at the beginning of 1797, we shall see sufficient proofs of the reality of Bioimt*s plan. Ten thousand troops

* Mr. Duane had been the proprietor and editor of several newspapers in India, but the last, which was his sole property, was " The Indian World" by which he had realized a handsome fortune, and in September, 1794, advertised his whole standing property for sale, meaning, and publishing his intention, to return to Philadelphia. His property was to be sold on the ist of Janu- ary, 1795, and he had sought a passage in the Hercules, of Boston, Capt. Delano, then lying at Calcutta, and to sail in all April.

At this time, Mr. Duane was on terms of the best good will with most of the public characters in that part of India, and in the especial esteem of the gentlemen of the army, v^-ho had made his paper the vehicle by which their grievances were complained of, and which have since been redressed in the most ample manner. Mr. Duane had been particularly noticed by Sir William Jones, and Sir John Shore, and from both had received tokens of marked attention, v^rhich he considered flattering and honorable to him. On the evening of the 26th December, 1794, a note was left at Mr. Duane's country-house, written by Capt. John Collins, pri- vate secretary to Sir John Shore, inviting Mr. Duane to the Gov- ernor-General's house, on the next day, at 8 o'clock. Mr. Du- ane did not receive the note until the morning of the 27th, when on his way to the Grand Lodge of Masons, whose festival was

OF JOHN ADAMS. 1 1 I

were kept encamped for six months together, at Plymouth, for the ostensible purpose of proceeding to the West-Indies 3 to the West-Indies they never went, nor was there ever a rational apology assigned by Mr. Pitt for this unaccountable armament, who retained idle for such a period, not only this army, but a fleet of one hundred transports, which lay ready to receive them. When we add to this, that in the spring of the same season, one regiment of artillery and three regiments of infantry, were dis- patched to Canada with fifty thousand stand of

an that day ; he instantly proceeded to the Governor-Generars, expecting to breakfast there. He was met in the saloon by Capt. Collins, and after salutations, the following circumstances took place :

Capt. Cojhns. I am glad you are fo punctual, Mr. Duane.

Mr. Duane. I generally am, Sir ; I hope the Governor- General is well.

Capt. C. He is not to be seen, and— -

Mr. D. I understood I was invited by him.

Capt. C. Yes Sir, but I am directed by the Governor-Gen- eral to inform you, that you are to consider yourself as a state pri- soner. [He stampt on the floor, and thirty Sepahis, who stood concealed behind the folding doors of an anti-chamber, rushed out, and presented their bayonets to D.'s breast. ...the doors be- ing left open by them, discovered Sir John Shore, and two others of the Supreme Council on a sopha.]

Mr. D. I did not think Sir John Shore, or you. Sir, could be so base and treacherous as to proceed, or even to think as you do.

Capt. C. Silence, Sir — (To the Sepahis) Chilloiv Sepahi (in English, drag him along, Sepahis.)

Mr. D. (To the Sepahis) Osti babaa-hum becjagga..*»{soh\Y

n2 THE ADMINISTRATION

.11 ms, what arc we to suppose ? Previous to 1797, there were sufficient troops and arms in Canada to keep tlie natives in subjection. ...something more must have been intended. There was no invasior> dreaded in that quarter of the globe, from France, nor had Britain any enemies in that part of Ame- rica to contend widi. Some expedition or other must have been meditated to take place in Canada, and this expedition could only have been against the United States, or against Spanish America, through the medium of the United States. Such

my friends, I shall go along with you). ...to Collins.. ..What is to follow next, Collins ; the bow-string or scymetar ?

Capt. C. You are insolent, Sir.... Chillow jotiby soor Marani ....(drag him along, you pig eating scoundrels.)

Mr. D. You are performing the part of Grand Vizier, now, my httle gentleman, and these are your mutes.. ..Calcutta is be- come Constantinople, and the Governor-General the Grand Turk.

Much more passed, but during the last sentences, Mr. Duane was conveyed down stairs, put into his palanquin, and his bear- ers beaten all the way to Fort WiUiam. There he was given iii charge with ridiculous fuss.... two centinels placed at the outer door of the quarters, (which were those of a field officer) and a centinel with a drawn bayonet, always by his side, asleep or a- wake. The day he was seized, was Saturday ; on Monday morning following, a company of Royal Grenadiers paraded on the ramparts, and he was marched to the water side, where a company of Royal Light Infantry was ready to receive him in a barge, upon he which was conducted to an armed Indiaman, com- manded by Sir Charles Mitchel, and carried to Europe. No charge was ever lodged against him, but when at St Helena he would not be permitted to go on shore there, being z foreigner, and when the vessel arrived in the English Channel he was put on

OF JOHN ADAMS. 113

an enormous quantity of arms as fifty thousaud stand could have been sent for no other purpose ; the army of ten thousand men, if the expedition had taken place, would, most probably, have land- ed in South America, in place of the West-Indies, so rs to co-operate with the force fi-om Canada, precisely according to the plan laid down by Sena- tor Blount. What became of the British arms which were sent to Canada, we know not. Whe- ther they are there still, cr were afterwards sent

shore without obtaining a single word of infoi-mation as to iht cause. Though his property on a moderate calculation was worth ;^8ooo sterling, beside out-standing debts to the amount of 25,000 Roupees or 13,000 Dollars, when he applied to one of the first lawyers in England to institute a suit for the re- covery of it, the gentleman had the candour to ask how much money he had left ; being told about £200 sterhng, he return- ed a fee of 20 guineas, said that though the case was one of the most extraordinary and oppressive he had ever heard of, he advised Mr. DUaae not to attempt wasting what he had left, in a competition with the funds of the East-India Company, who could spend ;^40,ooo without missing It. Several gentlemen had written from India to their friends In behalf of Mr. Duane, among others to Lord Lucan, who in conversation with Mr. Duane, said that the only way to recover lils property would be to go to Mr. Dundas, and make a disclosure of all that he knew con- cerning persons in India.. ..this intimation might have been in- terpreted two ways, but the first impression which It made on Mr. Duane was that of contempt ; he took his hat and without saying a word, left 'him, and relinquished all hope of restitution for the robbery. In a few weeks afterwards Mr. Duane return- ed to his native country, and of course vrith very great cause to admire the Constitution, laws and order of the British govern- ment, domestic and foreign !

P

114 THE admi:nistration

back, is a matter upon \vbicli the English papers are silent.

I shall conclude this chapter with an account of the principal depredations committed on our commerce by British vessels of war, from May, 1797, until the meeting of Congress in November.

On the 23d of May, 1797, James Hammond, a native citizen of the United States, belonging to the Am-erican ship Hope, of New-York, Michael Pierce, master, when on shore in the Island of Ma- deira was pressed by Captain James, of the Bri- tish brig of war, El-Corso, and carried forcibly on board in open day, before the house of the Ameri- can Consul, Mr. Pintard. Captain Pierce having applied to Mr. Pintard for redress, the latter wait- ed upon the British Vice-Consul^, who, at length, persuaded Captain James to deliver up Hammond ; but the day before the Hope intended to sail, a boat's crew came again on board from the El-Corso and carried off five men, three of them Am^ericans, one a Swede and the other an Italian. Mr. Pintard remonstrated Vvith the British Consul upon the grossness of the insult, but received for answer, that all interference on his part would be in vain, for Bri- tish Captains' supposed they had, when out of Bri- tish ports, an unlimited authority to tyrannise over the rest of mankind. Captain Pierce then went to the British Captain himself, but the only satisfac- tion he received, was to be thrown into prison along with the supercargo, for refusing to give the five men their wages.

OF JOHN ADAMS. . 115

On the 2d of June, 1797, a number of Ameri- can captains, at Port-au-Prince, in St. Domingoj presented a petition to governor Simcoe....they re- presented that eleven American vessels, with car- goes amounting'- to three hundred thousand dollars, had been captured by British privateers, and were then lying in that port in expectation of a trial,... they had applied for it, and were told in answer, that they were to be sent for adjudication to Mole St. Nicholas. They state, that several of the vessels could not proceed to that place without conside- rable repairs, and that others had been abandon- ed bv their crews ; some with their cargoes were likev/ise in a state of suffering. Many of the pe- titioners being entire strangers, were reduced to in- conveniences from want of money. Several crews and supercargoes were laid under the most distress- ing circumstances, from sickness, disappointment and mortification.

The Governor's answer was haughty and re- proachful. He promised to recommend to the judge of the Admiralty, Mr. Combauld, to decide their cases at an early period ; but he gave them no reason to suppose that there would be a court erected for that purpose at Port-au-Prince. He hop- ed that they would be acquitted of that contraband traffic, which many citizens of the United States carried on with the French 8:ov^ernment in Sf. Do- mingo. He closed with 'telling them, that this illicit trade might, at no remote distance, seriously disturb the security of the American continent.

116 THE ADMINISTRATION

On the 27th of July, 1797, Nathaniel Silsbee, Captain of the ship Betsey, wrote a letter to the printer of a Salem newspaper; he had arrived at Salem from Madras, three days before the date ot the letter. At his departure, there were in that port nine English ships of war. One of them was the Sybille frigate. Captain Cook, who pressed from Captain Silsbee, Edward Hulen, a native of Salem.. He also threatened, that if any complaint should be made by Silsbee to the governor on shore, he would jnotonly take every seaman, but every ofticer from the Betsey. He did not com-mit this violence from scarcity of hands ; for he told Captain Silsbee that he had thirty-five men over and above his ship's complement. He added, that he believed fifteen of them were real American citizens ; that he had pressed them from on board of American ships at Lisbon, in spite of the rem.onstrances of the Ameri- can Consul at that place. Cook farther declared, that he would keep these men in perfect security till the end of the war.

After the impressment of Hulen, the Betsey was daily visited by a Lieutenant from the Sybille ; during his stay on board, this officer took full com- mand of the ship, miUstered the crew regularly on the quarter deck, and would not suffer any ship's duty to be carried on at these tim.es ; he farther threatened to correct the American officers for not manning the ship's-side, and paying him such res- pect, as he said, the presence of any British officer ought to command.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 117

The brig Two Sisters, Captain Conkling, of New-York, on the 13th of August was boarded by the General Nicholl, a British Letter of Marque, Captain Morrison. ...Captain Conkling Was ordered on board with his papers ; Morrison, without deigning to examine them, put them in his chest, and w^ent himself on board the brig, where he beat vrith his hanger every sailor, ordering them at the same time, to declare the property to be French. Finding, however, such treatment in vain, he took the mate and the men on board and put the whole in irons, until he rifled the vessel complete- ly. The brig after being deprived of the most valu- able part of her cargo, was afterwards dismissed.

The following is a summary of an account sta- ted by Captain Dunlevy, who remained in Hispa- niola from the 9th of June to the 20th of October, 1797 : Eighteen American vessels with their car- goes were condemned. ...two of the captains of these ships were detained three months before they could get their papers, which could have been had wdth ease in three days, or a much less time ; another of the captains died of grief; a nineteenth vessel, with her cargo, was sold to pay the costs of suit s a twentieth was cleared, but the cargo condemned.

These were the advantages America reaped from her alliance with monarchy. It is true, in- numerable instances occurred, this summer, of like depredations on the part of France ; but then it ought to be remembered, that we were in a state of war with that country, but at peace v^^ith England.

118 THE ADMINISTRATION

CHAPTER V.

Speech cfthe President, ...Address from the Senate.... Blovnfs Conspiracy. ...Quarrel between Mr. Lyon and Mr. Griszvold... .Instances of a similar nature in the Parliament of Scotland, the House of Coju- mons in England, and the Senate of Lucerne, in Szvitzerland. . ..Communication from the President relative to the negociation with France.... Acts passed by Congress.

1 HE House of Representatives met, accord- ing to their resolution of adjournment, on the 2d Monday of November ; but a sufficient number of Senators having not come forward to form a quo- rum until the 23d of November, no business of consequence was entered upon. ...about twelve that day, both houses being convened, the President delivered the following speech :

" Gentlemen of the Senate, and

" Gentlemen of the House of Bepresentatives,

^^ I was for some time apprehensive that it v/ould be necessary, on account of the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to convene the national legislature at some other place.

^' This measure it was desirable to avoid; be- cause it would occasion much public inconveni- ence, and a considerable public expence, and add to the calamities of the inhabitants of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their fellow-citizens. Therefore, after taking

OF JOHN ADAMS, I 19

measures to ascertain the state and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes, now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the members. Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to m.eet. I submit, however, to your considera»- tion, whether a power to postpone the meeting of Congress, wdthout passing the time affixed by the constitution, upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four ?

" Althouo[h I cannot vet consjratulate vou on the re-establishment of peace in Europe and the resto- ration of security to the persons and properties of our citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless, abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence, for in- terior tranquility and personal security ; for propi- tious seasons, prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements ; and above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty, and a calm, but steady determination, to support our sovereignty, as well as our moral and religious liberty, against all open and secret attacks.

" Our envoys extraordinary to the French Re- public, embarked the one in July, the other early in August, to join their colleague in Holland. I have received intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they all proceeded ontheir journey to Paris, within a few days of the nineteenth of September. Yv'hatever m?y be the

120 THE AT?^1M3TRATI0N

result of this mission, I trust that nothing will have been omitted on my part, to conduct the negocia- tion to a successful conclusion, on such equitable terms, as may be compatible with the safety, honor and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean time, will contribute so much to the preser- vation of peace, and the attainment of justice, as a manifestation of that energy and unanimity, of which, on many former occasions, the people of the United States have given such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for natural de- fence, which a beneficent providence has kindly placed within their power.

*' It may be confidently affirmed, that nothing has occurred since the adjournment of Congress, which renders inexpedient those precautionary measures recommended by me, to the considera- tion of the two Houses, at the opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depre- dations strengthen the reasons for its adoption.

" Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the ne- gociation with France, and whether the wcr in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most cer- tain, that permanent tranquility and order vAW not soon be obtained. The state of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of m.oral and reli- gious obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of nations has lost so much of its force ; while pride.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 121

ambition, avarice and violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or defence will not be plun- dered.

" The commerce of the United States is essen- tial, if not to their existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperityand happiness. The genius, character and habits of the people are highly com- mercial; their cities have been formed and exist up- on commerce ; their agriculture, fisheries, arts and manufactures are connected with, and depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it cannot be destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and distress. ...great numbers are directly and solely supported by navi- gation....the faith of society is pledged for the pre- servation of the rights of commercial and sea-faring, no less than of the other citizens. Under this view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a ne- glect of duty, if I forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our com- merce, and to place our country in a suitable pos- ture of defence, as the only sure means of preserv- ing both.

" I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power, at the opening of the ses- sion, to have communicated to you the agreeable information of the due execution of our treaty with his Catholic Majesty, respecting the withdraw- ing of his troops from our territory, and thedemar-

Q

J 22 THE ADMINISTRATIOJ

cation of the line of limits. But by the latest 'au- thentic intelligence, Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running of the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the more to be regretted, as they cannot fail to affect the Indians in a manner injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the answers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it proper that we should continue in readiness to receive the posts, and to run the line of limits.

" Further information on this subject will be communicated in the course of the session.

" In connection Vvuth this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier, it is proper for me to mention the attem.pts of foreign agents to alien- ate the affections of the Indian nations, and to excite them to actual hostilities a^rainst the United States. Great activity has been exerted by these persons, who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes residing within the territory of the United States, to influence them to transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation ; to form them into a confederacy, and to prepare them for war against the United States.

" Although measures have been taken to coun- teract these infractions of our rights, to prevent In- dian hostilities, and to preserve entire their attach- ment to the United States, it is my duty to observe.

OF JOHN ADAMS- 123

that to give a better eifect to these measures, and. to obviate the consequences of a repetition of such practices, a law providing adequate punishment for such offences may be necessary.

" The commissioners appointed under the fifth article of the treaty of amity^. commerce and navi- gation, between the United States and Great Bri- tain, to ascertain the river whicb was truly intend- ed under the name of St. Croix, m.entioned in the treaty of peace, met at Passamaquoddy Bay, in October, 1796, and viewed the mouths of the rivers in question, and the adjacent shores and islands, and being of opinion that actual surveys of both rivers to their sources were necessary, gave to the agents of the two nations instructions for that pur- pose, and adjourned to meet at Boston in August, They met, but the surveys requiring more time than had been supposed, and not being then com- pleted, the comm.issioners again adjourned to meet at Providence, In the State of Rhode-Island, in June next, when we may expect a final examina- tion and decision.

" The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 6th article of the treaty, met at Philadelphia in May last, to examine the claims of British sub- jects, for debts contracted before the peace, and still remaining due to them from citizens or inhab- itants of the United States. Various causes have hitherto prevented any determinations ;. but the bu- siness is now resumed, and doubtless will be pro- secuted without interruption.

124 THE ADMINISTRATION

" Several decisions on the claims of citizens o( the United Slates, for losses and damages sustain- ed by reason of irregular and illegal captures or condemnations of their vessels, or other property, have been made by the commissioners in London, conformably to the seventh article of the treaty. The sums av^^arded by the commissioners have been paid by the British government. A conside- rable number of other claims, where costs and da- mages, and not captured property, were the only objects in question, have been decided by arbitra- tion, and the sums awarded to the citizens of the United States have also been paid.

" The commissioners appointed agreeably to the twenty-first article of our treaty with Spain, met at Philadelphia in the summer past, to exa- mine and decide on the claims of our citizens for losses they have sustained, in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the sub- jects of his Catholic M;ijesty, during the late war between Spain and France. ...their sittings have been interrupted, but are now resumed.

^' The United States being obligated to rriake compensation for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the commis- sioners acting under the sixth article of the treaty with Great Britain, and for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects, by reason of the capture of their vessek and merchandize, taken w^ithin the limits and jurisdiction of the United States and brought into their ports, or taken by

OF JOHN ADAMS. 125

vessels originally armed in ports of the United States, upon the awards of the commissioners act- ing under the seventh article of the same treaty, it is necessary that provision be made for fulfilling these obligations.

" The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruizers of the French Republic, and of some by those of Spain, have occasioned considera- ble expences in making and supporting the claims of our citizens before their tribunals. The sums required for this purpose have, in divers instances, been disbursed by the consuls of the United States. By means of tlie same captures, great numbers of our seamen have been throv^m ashore in foreijrn countries, destitute of all means of subsistence ; and the sick in particular have been exposed to griev- ous sufferings.

'' The consuls have in these cases also advanced monies for their relief. For these advances they reasonably expect reimbursements from the United States.

'' The consular act relative to seamen requires revision and amendment. ...the provisions for their support in foreign countries, and for their return, are found to be inadequate and ineffectual. Another provision seems necessary to be added to the con- sular act. ...some foreign vessels have been discover- ed sailing under the flag of the United States, and with forged papers. ...it seldom happens that the consul can detect this deception ; because they have no authority to demand an inspection of the register and sea-letters.

126 THE ADMINISTRATIOIT

" Gentlemen of ike House of Bepresentative^j

" It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration, those objects which by the consti- tution are placed particularly within your sphere^ the national debt and taxes.

" Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the public defence was provided for chief- ly at the expence of individuals, the system of loan has been introduced. ...and as no nation can raise within the year by taxes, sufficient sums for its de- fence and military operations in time of war, the sums loaned and debts contracted have necessarily become the subject of what have been called fund- ing systems.

'' The consequences arising from the continual accumulation of public debts in other countries, ought to admonish us to be careful to prevent their grov,^th in our own. The national defence must be provided for, as w^ell as the support of gov- ernment ; but both should be accomplished as much as possible by immediate taxes, and as little as possible by loans.

" The estimates for the service of the ensuing year, will, by my direction, be laid before you. *^ Gentlemen of the Senate, and

" Gentlemen of the House of Representatives^

**' We are met together at a most interesting pe- riod....the situations of the principal powers of Eu- rope are singular and portentous j connected with some by treaties, and with all by com.merce, no im- portant event there can be indifferent to us. Such

OF JOHN ADAMS. 127

Circumstances call with peculiar importunity, not less for a disposition to unite in all those measures on which the honor, safety and prosperity of our country depend, than for all the exertions of wis- dom and firmness.

" In all such measures, you may rely on my zealous and hearty concurrence."

After the President retired, the House proceed- ed to the choice of a Chaplain. The persons no- minated, were Dr. Green, Dr. Priestly, Dr. Blair, General Williams and Mr. Ustick. When the votes were examined. Dr. Green was found to have 53, and none of the rest m.ore than six. ...he was or course duly elected.

On Friday, the 54th, Mr. Harper moved for an address to the communications of the President.- He was opposed by Mr. Lyon, who showed very forcibly the absurdity, and the expence incurred to the nation, by establishing a custom of debating ten or fourteen days, as in the last session, about the wording of an answer to the President's speech. The motion of Mr. Harper was, however, carried ; and after a week's deliberation, an answer was agreed to nearly similar to the one presented by the Senate. Of the two, this deserves more particular notice, as it will shew the state of humble submis- sion to which the Senate, (a body that ought to have retained some appearance of dignity) descended in the late administration: " Sir,

" The communication you have thought proper to make in your speech to both Houses of Congress,

128 THE ADMINISTRATION

on the opening of their present session, afford addi- tional proofs of the attention, integrity and firmness which have marked your official character.

" We cannot but approve of the measures you had taken to ascertain the state and decline of the contagious sickness which has so lately afflicted the city of Philadelphia, and the pleasing circumstance that Congress is now assembled at that place, with- out hazard to the health of its members, evinces the propriety of your having postponed a determina- tion to convene the national legislature at any other place. ...we shall take into consideration the law of 1794, on this subject, and will readily concur in any amendment which may be deemed expedient.

" It would have given us much pleasure to have received your congratulations on the re-estab- lishment of peace in Europe, and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our ci- tizens from injustice and violence at sea. But though these events, so desirable to our country and the w^orld, have not taken place, yet we have abundant cause of gratitude to the Great Disposer of human events, for interior tranquility and per- sonal security ; for propitious seasons, prosperous agricultujpe, productive fisheries, and general im- provement ; and above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty, and a calm, but steady determination to support our sovereignty against all open and secret attacks.

'' We learn with satisfaction, that our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic, had safely

OF JOHN ADAMS. 129

arrived in pAirope, and were proceeding to the scene cf negociation ; and whatever may be the result of the mission, we are perfectly satisfied that noth- ing on your part has been omitted, which could any way conduce to a successful conclusion of the negociation, upon terms compatible with the safety, honor and interest of the United States; and we are fully convinced, that in the mean time, a manifestation of the unanimity and energy of which the people of the United States have given such memorable proofs, and a proper exertion of those resources of national defence which we pos- sess, will essentially contribute to the preservation of peace and the attainment of justice.

" We think. Sir, with you, that the commerce of the United States is essential to the growth, com- fort and prosperity of our country ; and that the faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of commercial and sea-faring, no less than of other citizens; and even if our negociation with France should terminate favorably, and the war in Europe cease, yet the state of society which unhappily prevails in so great a portion of the world, and the experience of past times under bet- ter circumstances, unite in warning us that a com- merce so extensive, and which holds out so many temptations to lawless plunderers, can never be safe without protection and defence ; and we hold ourselves obliged by every tie of duty which binds us to our constituents, to promote and concur in such measures of marine defence as mav convince

R

130 THE ADMINISTRATION

our merchants and seamen that their rights are not sacrificed nor their injuries forgotten.

*' We regret that notwithstanding the clear and explicit terms of the treaty between the United States and his Catholic Majesty, the Spanish garri- sons are not yet withdrawn from our territory, nor the running of the boundary line commenced.

" The United States have been faithful in the performance of their obligations to Spain, and had reason to expect a compliance equally prompt on the p?rt of that power. Yv^e still, however, in- dulge the hope that the convincing answers which have been given to the objections stated by the Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, will have their proper effect, and that this treaty, so mutually benefical to the contracting parties, wall be finally observed with good faith.... we, therefore, entirely approve of your determina- tion to continue in readiness to receive the posts, and to run the line of partition between our terri- tory and that of the King of Spain. Attempts to alienate the affections of the Indians, to form them into actual hostility against the United States, whe- ther made by foreign agents or by others, are so in- jurious to our interests at large, and so inhuman with respect to our citizens inhabiting the adjacent territory, as to deserve the most exemplary punish- ment, and we will cheerfully afford our aid in framing a law which may prescribe a punishment adequate to the commission of crimes so heinous.

OF^JOHN ADAMS. 131

*'•' The several objects you have pointed out to the attention of the Legislature, v/hether they regard our internal or external relations, shall re- ceive from us that attention wliich they merit, and we will readily concur, in all such measures as may be necessary, either to enable us to fulfil our engagements at home or to cause ourselves to be respected abroad ; and at this portentous pe- riod, when the powers of Europe, with whom we are connected by treaty or commerce, are in so critical a situation, and when the conduct of some of those powers towards the United States is so hostile and menacing, the several branches of the government, are, in our opinion, called up- on with peculiar importunity to unite, and, by union, not only to devise and to carry into effect these measures, on which the safety and prosperity of our country depend, but also to undeceive those nations, who, regarding us as a weak and divided people, have pursued systems of aggression incon- sistent with a state of peace between independent nations. And, sir, we beg leave to assure you, that we derive a singular consolation from the reflection, that at such a time the Executive part of our go- vernment has been committed to your hands 5 for in your integrity, talents and firmness, we place the most entire confidence."

To this address the President v/as pleased to give a few words in reply, complimenting them in his turn, upon their wisdom, their penetration, and independent spirit.

132 THE ADMINISTRATION

The House of Representatives delivered their address the day following, and received the honor of tasting the wine and breaking the bread of the President. Mr. Lyon, of Vermont, was the only member who had the firmness to refuse attending this procession.

The first important business which came be- fore Congress this ses-sion, was the conspiracy of governor Blount. Mr. Sitgreaves, on the 4th of December, brought up the report from the com- mittee which had been appointed for the purpose of collecting evidence relative to this subject. In their report the committee state, that soon after their appointment, they received a trunk from J. Ross, Esq. containing sundry papers belonging to William Blount, which had been seized by order of the Senate. From a perusal of these papers, it appeared that one Nicholas Romayne, a practition- er of physic, in New- York, was intimately connect- ed with Blount. They, therefore, conceived it to be their duty to secure the person of Romayne, and for that purpose issued a writ, the execution of which they placed in the hands of the Secretary of State, who appointed Captain \V. Eaton, messen- ger on the occasion. This messenger returned with Romayne and his papers, which he also seized on the 10th of July. Mr. Romayne, after being examined, gave security for his appearance before the Senate on the trial of Blount.

Major Lewis was appointed by the commit- tee to secure James Carey and one James Grant,

OF JOHN ADAMS. 133

who also appeared to have had connections with Blount. Mr. William Davy, of Philadelphia, was examined respecting a Mr. Chisholm, who sailed for London in a vessel chartered by him, having his passage paid by Mr. Liston. Mr. Davy recol- lected a conversation which passed between Mr. Chisholm and Mr. Thornton, the Deputy of Mr. Listen, who promised Chisholm the command of a squadron to act against Pensacola. He also pro- duced a letter from his brother in London, mention- ing that Chisholm endeavored to get money from him ; but before he gave him any, he applied to Lord Grenville's office, to know if he had got any money from thence, and finding they had supplied him largely, he declined letting him have any.

The deposition of Dr. Romayne was nearly as follows : He stated that he had been acquainted with Mr. Blount since 1782 ^ that his first acquaint- ance with Chisholm, was whilst in treaty with Mr. Blount in land speculation. Some time afterwards he intended going to London to sell lands, but abandoned that design, owing to property falling in price. He said governor Blount promised to procure a bill to enable aliens to hold land in the State of Tennessee. He confessed that Blount used often to regret that the English did not possess Louisiana, and spoke of going to England on that business, for that they had much better possess it than the French ; that it was agreed on be- tween Blount and himself, to sound certain persons in Philadelphia, as-^'well as in Virginia and the

i^* THE ADMINlSTRATlOir

Southern States, on this subject ; but that the whole business had been dropped for some time^ by Blount's neglecting to answer his letters.

The letters which passed between Blount and Romayne have dates from February to May, 1797, and were chiefly on the project of going to England on the business of Louisiana. In these letters Dr. Romayne frequently speaks with confidence of suc- cess, and often remarks upon the critical situation of the European powers, and the improbability of peace.

Several letters passed between Romayne and Mr. Liston, but the former acknowledged their be- ing destroyed, except the following one, w^hich, of itself is a sufficient proof of the conspiracy on the part of the British minister :

Philadelphia, 2Uh April, 1797.

" I am much indebted to you, Sir, for your friendly letter of the 14th of this month, inclosing one from Mr. Palteney, whose good opinion gives me high satisfaction. (That letter is now returned.)

" Taking it for granted that I understand to what business you allude, I could wish to have a full examination of your sentiments on the subject. It may be done, I think, in writing ; you may de- pend on secrecy and discretion on my part.

" The general sketch of what has taken place here, is, that a person came to me to make certain important propositions of enterprize, to which I listened, but said I had no j.i»wer to act.

OF JOHN ADAMS. 135

'' He appeared to me determined and active, xhoueh illiterate and unfit to assume command.

" He urged to have my consent to go to Europe^ to tell his own story, to which I consented (though with some hesitation) not thinking myself authorized to give a positive refusal.

" It strikes me that if a person of confidence, with proper authority from home, were to accom- pany him to the scene of action, something might probably be effected.

'' Information of every sort will be gratefully received.

" N. B. I have no intention of sending my se- cretary any where.

" Believe me, with great truth and regard. Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

^' ROBERT LISTON. "Dr. Romayne.'*

The charges exhibited by the House of Repre- "sentatives against William Blount^ are contained in the five following articles :

'^ APvTICLE I.

." That whereas, the United States in the months of February, March, April, May and June, 1797, were at peace with his Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain ; and whereas, during the months aforesaid, his said Catholic Majesty and the King of Great Britain were at war with each other ; yet he the said William Blount, though a Senator of the United States, did conspire, w^ithin its territo- ries, to carry on a military expedition ar^ainst the

136 THE ADMINISTRATION

dominions of his Catholic Majesty in tht Floridas and Louisiana, for the purpose of conquering the same for the King of Great Britain.

" ARTICLE II.

" That whereas, on the 27th of October, 1795, a treaty of friendship, limits and navigation, was concluded between the United States and his Ca- thohc Maje&ty, by the 5th article of which, it was agreed that the two contracting parties should main- tain peace and harmony among the Indian nations who inhabit the country adjacent to the two Floridas ....yet the said Mr. Blount, disregarding the stipula- tions of said treaty, did conspire to excite the Creek and Cherokee Indians to commence hostilities a- gainst the subjects of his Catholic Majesty in the Floridas and Louisiana, for the purpose of reducing the same to the dominion of the King of Great Bri- tain, with whom his Catholic Majesty was at war.

" ARTICLE III.

"That whereas, by the ordinances of Congress for regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, it has been made lawful for the President of the United States, in order to insure the continu- ance of the friendship of the said Indian tribes, to appoint temporary. agents to reside among them; and whereas, in pursuance of the said authority, he did appoint Benjamin Hawkins to be principal temporary agent for Indian affairs within the In- dian nations south of the river Ohio. ...yet the said Wijliam Blount did, in the prosecution of his crim- inal designs, contrive to alienate the confidence of

OF JOHN ADAM3. 137

the said Indian tribes from Benjamin Hawkins, contrary to the duty of his trust and station as a senator of the United States.

" ARTICLE IV.

" That whereas, by the ordinances of Congress k is made lawful for the President to establish tradins: houses at such places on the western and southern frontiers as he shall judge most conveni- ent for carrying on a liberal trade with the Indian nations, and to appoint an agent in each trading house, with such clerks as may be necessary for the execution of the said acts, he did appoint James Carey to be the interpreter for the United States to the Cherokee nation ; yet the said Wil- liam Blount did contrive, by bribery and corrup- tion, to lead off the said James Carey from the "duties of his office,

*^ ARTICLE V.

** That whereas, certain tribes oT nations of In- dians inhabit within the territorialiimitsof the Uni- ted States, between whom and the settlements of the United States certain boundary lines have been agreed upon, to separate the lands and possessions of the said Indians from the lands and possessions of the United States ; and whereas, it was further stipulated that the boundary line should be ascer- tained and marked by three persons appointed on the part of the United States, and three Chcrokees on the part of their nation; yet the said William Blount did contrive to create and foment discon- tents and disaffection among the said Indians to-

138 THE ADMINISTRATIO-N

wards the government of the United States, in re** lation to the ascertainnment and marking of the said boundary line, contrary to the duty and trust of his station as Senator of the United States, and against the peace and interests thereof.'*

The following gentlemen were appointed by the House as managers to conduct the impeach- ment against Mr. Blount: Mr. Sitgreaves, Mr. Bayard, Mr. Harper, Mr. Gordon, Mr. Pinckney, Mr, Dana, Mr. Sewall, Mr. Hosmer, Mr* Den- nis, Mr. Evans and Mr. Imlay.

During the ballot of their election an unfortu- nate quarrel took place between two members, Mathew Lyon, of Vermont, and Roger Griswold, which occupied the attention of the House for several weeks after. The committee of privileges, who were instructed to enquire into the conduct of these gentlemen, made the following report on the second of February :

That during the sitting of the House on the 30th of January, when the tellers of the House were engaged in counting the ballots for managers of the impeachment against William Blount, Mr. Lyon was standing without the bar of the House, and in conversation with the Speaker,